Aung San San Kyi at a Rally in Chin state.
Image courtesy of Burma Campaign UK
ANN ARBOR, Mich.—Aung San Suu Kyi, a Burmese human rights activist and Nobel Peace laureate, is the recipient of the 21st University of Michigan Wallenberg Medal. In a rare public address overseas, Suu Kyi will give her videotaped Wallenberg Lecture at 7:30 p.m. ET Oct. 25 before an audience in Rackham Auditorium.
The lecture will be followed immediately by a live Q&A session with Suu Kyi in Burma.
Suu Kyi, freed from house arrest nearly a year ago, has not been expressly banned from leaving her country. However, because of concerns she may not be allowed to return if she goes abroad, she continues to stay in Burma, devoting her life to the peaceful struggle for democracy and human rights.
She led her party to victory in 1990 elections, but military leaders refused to recognize the results. She has spent most of the past two decades in jail or house arrest.
Suu Kyi serves as the general secretary of the National League for Democracy, the leading opposition political party in Burma. In spite of efforts to suppress its activities, the party continues to meet, issue statements, and seek to engage with the opposition. The group refused to participate in a vote last year, insisting the election was held under unfair and undemocratic conditions.
ANN ARBOR, Mich.—Aung San Suu Kyi, a Burmese human rights activist and Nobel Peace laureate, is the recipient of the 21st University of Michigan Wallenberg Medal. In a rare public address overseas, Suu Kyi will give her videotaped Wallenberg Lecture at 7:30 p.m. ET Oct. 25 before an audience in Rackham Auditorium.
The lecture will be followed immediately by a live Q&A session with Suu Kyi in Burma.
Suu Kyi, freed from house arrest nearly a year ago, has not been expressly banned from leaving her country. However, because of concerns she may not be allowed to return if she goes abroad, she continues to stay in Burma, devoting her life to the peaceful struggle for democracy and human rights.
She led her party to victory in 1990 elections, but military leaders refused to recognize the results. She has spent most of the past two decades in jail or house arrest.
Suu Kyi serves as the general secretary of the National League for Democracy, the leading opposition political party in Burma. In spite of efforts to suppress its activities, the party continues to meet, issue statements, and seek to engage with the opposition. The group refused to participate in a vote last year, insisting the election was held under unfair and undemocratic conditions.
Burma, with a population of 55 million, remains an isolated and impoverished country in turmoil. Human rights activists continue to be harassed, arrested, and jailed. Attacks against ethnic populations have escalated and grave human rights abuses against these populations have continued.
Thousands of democracy activists and ethnic leaders remain detained as political prisoners in Burma, notwithstanding the government's refusal to acknowledge their existence. The Red Cross has not been allowed to visit the prisons of Burma since 2006.
Recently, the government has signaled a possible easing of repression, but the outcome remains highly uncertain. In August 2011, Suu Kyi met with President Thein Sein. She was quoted in news reports saying that the two had "found areas of agreement" and that she remains "a cautious optimist." Suu Kyi has suggested that the United Nations conduct a fact-finding probe similar to the Truth and Reconciliation process spearheaded by Archbishop Desmond Tutu (also a Nobel Peace laureate and Wallenberg Medalist) in South Africa after the abolition of apartheid.
Undaunted and fearless through many years of detention and efforts to intimidate her, in speaking out for democracy and human rights in Burma, Suu Kyi exemplifies the courage and commitment to the humanitarian values of Raoul Wallenberg, according to the Wallenberg Committee.
Wallenberg, a 1935 graduate of the U-M College of Architecture, was working as a Swedish diplomat when saved the lives of tens of thousands of Hungarian Jews near the end of World War II.
In 1944, at the request of Jewish organizations and the American War Refugee Board, the Swedish Foreign Ministry sent Wallenberg on a rescue mission to Budapest. Over the course of six months, Wallenberg issued thousands of protective passports and placed many thousands of Jews in safe houses throughout the besieged city. He confronted Hungarian and German forces to secure the release of Jews whom he claimed were under Swedish protection, and saved over 80,000 lives.
After reporting to Soviet headquarters in Budapest on Jan.17, 1945, Wallenberg vanished into the Soviet Gulag. Although the Russians claim that Wallenberg died in 1947, the results of numerous investigations into his whereabouts remain inconclusive.
Thousands of democracy activists and ethnic leaders remain detained as political prisoners in Burma, notwithstanding the government's refusal to acknowledge their existence. The Red Cross has not been allowed to visit the prisons of Burma since 2006.
Recently, the government has signaled a possible easing of repression, but the outcome remains highly uncertain. In August 2011, Suu Kyi met with President Thein Sein. She was quoted in news reports saying that the two had "found areas of agreement" and that she remains "a cautious optimist." Suu Kyi has suggested that the United Nations conduct a fact-finding probe similar to the Truth and Reconciliation process spearheaded by Archbishop Desmond Tutu (also a Nobel Peace laureate and Wallenberg Medalist) in South Africa after the abolition of apartheid.
Undaunted and fearless through many years of detention and efforts to intimidate her, in speaking out for democracy and human rights in Burma, Suu Kyi exemplifies the courage and commitment to the humanitarian values of Raoul Wallenberg, according to the Wallenberg Committee.
Wallenberg, a 1935 graduate of the U-M College of Architecture, was working as a Swedish diplomat when saved the lives of tens of thousands of Hungarian Jews near the end of World War II.
In 1944, at the request of Jewish organizations and the American War Refugee Board, the Swedish Foreign Ministry sent Wallenberg on a rescue mission to Budapest. Over the course of six months, Wallenberg issued thousands of protective passports and placed many thousands of Jews in safe houses throughout the besieged city. He confronted Hungarian and German forces to secure the release of Jews whom he claimed were under Swedish protection, and saved over 80,000 lives.
After reporting to Soviet headquarters in Budapest on Jan.17, 1945, Wallenberg vanished into the Soviet Gulag. Although the Russians claim that Wallenberg died in 1947, the results of numerous investigations into his whereabouts remain inconclusive.
Credit : University of Michigan
October 25, 2011
U Thein Sein
President of Myanmar
President Office
Office No.18
Naypyitaw
Myanmar
Dear Mr Thein Sein
BURMA: Urgent humanitarian intervention needed for jailed monk
I am writing to you with an urgent humanitarian request concerning the current conditions of detention for Shin Gambira, a monk whom, as you will be aware, was imprisoned for his part in street demonstrations during 2007.
The Asian Human Rights Commission has been concerned about Shin Gambira's health since we received information that he had been assaulted during a prison transfer and that he had been assaulted repeatedly at the Khandi Prison over the course of about a month, due to which he has been suffering from head and back injuries.
According to prisoners released from Kalay Prison on October 12, due to these injuries, Shin Gambira is suffering from fits, in which he frequently cries out in pain and clutches at his head. The prison authorities then have to hold him down to administer a drug via injection, perhaps a sedative, after which he goes quiet and falls unconscious. When he comes out of unconsciousness, he slurs his speech.
From these reports, we conclude that both the physical and mental health of this detainee is in a very precarious situation indeed. While maintaining the position that Shin Gambira ought to be released from prison without delay, as he has in our opinion committed no offences for which he deserves to be imprisoned, I urge you, regardless of other factors, to look into the case and arrange for his prompt transfer back to a facility in Yangon where he can receive appropriate treatment and also be close to his family.
The question of detainees' health is, as you know, a humanitarian matter that transcends political issues. We trust that you will consider this case in that spirit and look forward to your prompt intervention. We also take this opportunity to again urge that the International Committee of the Red Cross be given unimpeded access to all places of detention in Myanmar in accordance with its international mandate.
Yours sincerely,
Wong Kai Shing
Executive Director
Asian Human Rights Commission, Hong Kong
Copies to:
Chief Justice, Supreme Court, Naypyitaw
Minister of Home Affairs, Naypyitaw
Chairperson, Myanmar National Human Rights Commission, Naypyitaw
International Committee of the Red Cross, Yangon
United Nations Special Rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, Geneva
United Nations Special Rapporteur on human rights defenders, Geneva
Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Regional Office, Bangkok
Document Type :
Open Letter
Document ID : AHRC-OLT-013-2011
Countries : Burma (Myanmar)
Issues :
Right to remedy, Inhuman and degrading treatment, Prison conditions, Right to health
Document Actions
President of Myanmar
President Office
Office No.18
Naypyitaw
Myanmar
Dear Mr Thein Sein
BURMA: Urgent humanitarian intervention needed for jailed monk
I am writing to you with an urgent humanitarian request concerning the current conditions of detention for Shin Gambira, a monk whom, as you will be aware, was imprisoned for his part in street demonstrations during 2007.
The Asian Human Rights Commission has been concerned about Shin Gambira's health since we received information that he had been assaulted during a prison transfer and that he had been assaulted repeatedly at the Khandi Prison over the course of about a month, due to which he has been suffering from head and back injuries.
According to prisoners released from Kalay Prison on October 12, due to these injuries, Shin Gambira is suffering from fits, in which he frequently cries out in pain and clutches at his head. The prison authorities then have to hold him down to administer a drug via injection, perhaps a sedative, after which he goes quiet and falls unconscious. When he comes out of unconsciousness, he slurs his speech.
From these reports, we conclude that both the physical and mental health of this detainee is in a very precarious situation indeed. While maintaining the position that Shin Gambira ought to be released from prison without delay, as he has in our opinion committed no offences for which he deserves to be imprisoned, I urge you, regardless of other factors, to look into the case and arrange for his prompt transfer back to a facility in Yangon where he can receive appropriate treatment and also be close to his family.
The question of detainees' health is, as you know, a humanitarian matter that transcends political issues. We trust that you will consider this case in that spirit and look forward to your prompt intervention. We also take this opportunity to again urge that the International Committee of the Red Cross be given unimpeded access to all places of detention in Myanmar in accordance with its international mandate.
Yours sincerely,
Wong Kai Shing
Executive Director
Asian Human Rights Commission, Hong Kong
Copies to:
Chief Justice, Supreme Court, Naypyitaw
Minister of Home Affairs, Naypyitaw
Chairperson, Myanmar National Human Rights Commission, Naypyitaw
International Committee of the Red Cross, Yangon
United Nations Special Rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, Geneva
United Nations Special Rapporteur on human rights defenders, Geneva
Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Regional Office, Bangkok
Document Type :
Open Letter
Document ID : AHRC-OLT-013-2011
Countries : Burma (Myanmar)
Issues :
Right to remedy, Inhuman and degrading treatment, Prison conditions, Right to health
Document Actions
Credit: Asian Human Right Commission
Written By:မ်ဳိးခ်စ္ေမာင္
ျပသာနာ၏ မူလရင္းျမစ္မွာ အယူ၀ါဒက်ဥ္းေျမာင္းေသာ ရခိုင္အမ်ိဳးသားေရး၀ါဒီမ်ား၏ သမုိင္းေၾကာင္း အမွန္ကို မသိခ်င္ေယာင္ေဆာင္ အမွန္တရားကို လက္မခံလိုစိတ္ေၾကာင့္ ဟိုးေရွးပေ၀သဏီကတည္းက အတူတကြ လက္တြဲေနထိုင္လာခဲ့ေသာ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားအား ေၾကာက္စိတ္၊သံသယစိတ္ျဖင္ ့ၾကည္႕ရွဳ ျမင္ေယာင္မိေသာေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္သည္။
ဤေနရာတြင္ Arakan ၏ မူလအစႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ မျငင္းခုံလုိပါ…မည္သို႕ပင္ ဆိုေစ ကမၻာေျမၾကီး၏ အစိတ္အပိုင္း တစ္ခုသာျဖစ္သည္။အမွန္တရားကို လက္ခံရန္ ပါေမာကၡ ပညာတက္ၾကီးျဖစ္ရန္မလိုပါ။ ဗုဒၶ၏ အဆုံးအမကို တစ္ေသြမတိန္း လိုက္နာသူ၊လူသားေကာင္း တစ္ေယာက္ျဖစ္လွ်င္ ဤအမွန္တရားကို လက္ခံရန္ ခက္ခဲမည္မဟုတ္ပါ။ုအခ်ဳပ္အားျဖင့္ Arakan တြင္ Rohingya လူမ်ိဳးမ်ား ရခိုင္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားထက္ ရာစုႏွစ္မ်ားစြာ ေစာ၍ ရွိေနသည္ကို သက္ေသျပႏိုင္လွ်င္ လုံေလာက္သည္။
….ရခိုင္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားေရွး ပေ၀သဏီကပင္ ေနထိုင္လာခဲ့ေသာ ရခိုင္ေျမကို လုယူလိုသူ ဘဂၤလီလူမ်ိဳးတစ္စုသည္ အၾကမ္းဖက္နည္း၊အႏုနညး၊၀ါဒၿဖန္႕ခ်ီနည္း အစရွိသည္႕ နည္းေပါင္းစုံျဖင့္ ၾကိဳးစားလာခဲ့သည္မွာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ၾကာျမင္ခဲ့ျပီျဖစ္သည္။ ရခိုင္နာမည္ ေဖ်ာက္ဖ်က္လိုသည္႕ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ျဖင့္….အာရခိန္ျပည္ဟု ေရးသားမဳွမ်ားျပဳလုပ္လာၾကပါသည္။
“ေခ်ပခ်က္”
ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ ျငိမ္၀ပ္ပိျပားမွဳတည္းေဆာက္ေရးအဖြဲ႕ လက္ထက္တြင္ ထုတ္ေ၀ေသာ “သာသနာေရာင္၀ါထြန္းေစဖို႕” စာအုပ္ စာမ်က္ႏွာ ၆၅ အရ မူဆလင္မ်ားသည္ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၁၀၀၀၊ ၁၂၀၀ ေက်ာ္ကပင္ အေျခခ် ေနထိုင္လာခဲ့သူမ်ားျဖစ္သည္။ မည္သို႕မည္ပုံေရာက္ရွိ အေျခခ်ေနထိုင္လာခဲ့သည္ ကိုအားလုံးေသာသမိုင္းပညာရွင္မ်ား လက္ခံၾကသည္ အတိုင္း အာရပ္ကုန္သည္မ်ားသည္ ထိုအခ်ိန္က ကုန္ကူးသန္းေရာင္း၀ယ္ေရးအတြက္ ရခိုင္ကမ္းရိုးတန္း၊တနသၤာရီကမ္းရိုးတန္းမွ တဆင့္္ မေလးရွား၊ အင္ဒိုနီးရွား စသည့္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားသို႕ ေရာက္ရွိ အေျခခ်ခဲ့သည္။
Arakan ေျမမွာ ေရွးပေ၀သဏီ ကတည္းက ေနထိုင္လာခဲ့ၾကတာ ရခိုင္ေတြ ေစာသလား...? ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြက ေစာသလား သမိုင္းအေထာက္အထားနဲ႕တင္ၿပပါမည္။
၁၆ ရာစုတြင္ ေရးေသာ “ဟာနီဖါ ႏွင့္ ခိုင္ယာဖူရီ” စာအုပ္တြင္ စာေရးဆရာ Shah Barid Khan က ယၡဳေမာင္ေတာခရိုင္၊ေမာင္ေတာျမိဳ႕ လေဘာစားရြာ(Arabshah Para) သို့ AD ၆၈၀-ခုႏွစ္တြင္ Mohammed Ali ၏သား Mohammed Hanif သည္ Karbala စစ္ပြဲအျပီး သူ၏ ရဲေဘာ္ရဲဖက္မ်ားႏွင့္ ေရာက္ရွိခဲ့သည္။ထိုအခ်ိန္တြင္ Queen ခိုင္ယာဖူရီသည္ ေမယုေတာင္တန္း တေလွ်ာက္ လုယက္တိုက္ခိုက္မွဳမ်ား ႏွင့္ အုုပ္စုိးေနခ်ိန္ျဖစ္သည္။ Mohammed Hanif သည္ ထို Queen ကို တိုက္ခိုက္သိမ္းယူျပီး လက္ထက္ယူခဲ့သည္။ထို႕ေၾကာင့္ Kaiyapuri ႏွင့္တကြ သူမ၏ အေျခအရံမ်ားသည္ အစၥလာမ္သာသာကို ခံယူျပီး ေအးခ်မ္းစြာ ေနထိုင္လာခဲ့သည္။ ယၡဳထက္တိုင္ ထိုေမယုေတာင္ေၾကာ တစ္၀ိုက္တြင္ Hanifa Tonki ႏွင့္ Kayapuri Tonki ဟူ၍ အထင္အရွား ေတြ႕ၿမင္ႏိုင္ပါသည္။ အခ်ဳပ္ဆိုရလွ်င္ ယေန႕ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ၏ မူလအစသည္ ထိုၿဖစ္ရပ္မွ ၿမစ္ဖ်ားခံလာသည္ဟု ဆိုႏိုင္ပါသည္။
တစ္ဖန္ ေအဒီ (ရ၈၈-ခု )မဟာထိိုင္ စႏၵယား မင္းၾကီးလက္ထပ္တြင္ အာရပ္ကုန္သည္ သေဘၤာမ်ား ရမ္းၿဗဲကြ်န္း အနီးတြင္ ပ်က္သြားရာမွ အကူအညီေတာင္းလာေသာ အာရပ္မ်ားကို အာရ္ကန္၏ တစ္ျခားေနရာ ျမိဳ့ရြာမ်ားတြင္ ေနရာခ်ေပးခဲ့သည္။ ဤသည္ မွာ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ား ေရးေသာ သမိုင္းအေထာက္အထားမ်ားမွ ေကာက္ယူျခင္းမဟုတ္ (၁၉၅၇-ခုႏွစ္ ႏွင့္ ၁၈၇၉-ခုႏွစ္) တြင္ ထုတ္ေ၀ခဲ့ေသာ Burma Gazetteers(Akyab District) ႏွင့္ British Burma Gazetteers တို႕မွ ေကာက္ႏုတ္ခ်က္ၿဖစ္သည္။
ေအဒီ ၁၄၃၀ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ ၀လီခန္ ႏွင့္ပါလာေသာ စစ္သည္ ငါးေသာင္း(Bangladesh District Gazatteers,p-63)၊ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ စႏၵြြီခန္ႏွင့္ ပါလာေသာ စစ္သည္မ်ား(Journal of Burma Research Society No.2,p-493) သည္ ရာစုႏွစ္ အဆက္ဆက္ Arakan ကိုအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ လာခဲ့သည္။ဤသည္မ်ားမွာ မ်ားစြာေသာ သမို္င္းအေထာက္ အထားမ်ားမွ အခ်ဳိ့သာ ျဖစ္သည္။
သမိုင္းဆရာ Morris Collis ၏ အဆိုအရ တိဗက္-ျမန္မာ အႏြယ္၀င္မ်ားသည္ Arakan ကို India မွ ခြဲထုတ္၍ ေ၀သာလီေခတ္ ေနထိုင္သူမ်ားႏွင့္ ေရာေထြးသြားခဲ့ရာမွ Indo-Mongoloid ဟုေခၚေသာ ရခိုင္ လူမ်ိဳးၿဖစ္ေပၚလာခဲ့သည္။ ဤအျဖစ္အပ်က္မွာ( AD-၉၅၇) ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ျဖစ္ခဲ့သည္။
အထက္ပါ သမိုင္းေထာက္အထားမ်ားကို ၾကည့္ျခင္းအားျဖင့္ Arakan တြင္ ေရွးပေ၀သဏီကပင္ ေနထိုင္လာခဲ့ၾကသူမ်ားမွာ ရခိုင္မ်ားလား…? ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားလား…? ရခိုင္ ႏွင့္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ႏွစ္ခုစလုံးမ်ားလား ထင္ရွားစြာ သိျမင္ႏိုင္ပါသည္။
ထို႕ေၾကာင့္ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာကပင္ ရခိုင္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားထက္ေစာ၍ Arakan တြင္ ေရာက္ရွိ အေျခခ် ေနထိုင္လာခဲ့ေသာ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားသည္ မိမိတို႕ ဘိုးဘြားစဥ္ဆက္ ေနထိုင္က်က္စားရာ Arakan ကို Arakan ဟုသုံးျခင္းသည္ အလြဲသုံးစားျခင္း မဟုတ္၊လုယူျခင္းလဲ မဟုတ္၊နာမည္ ေဖ်ာက္ဖ်က္လိုျခင္းလဲ မဟုတ္ပါ။ ရက္စက္ေသာ စစ္အစိုးရ အဆက္ဆက္၊အယူ၀ါဒ က်ဥ္းေျမာင္းေသာ လူမ်ိဳးေရး ၀ါဒီမ်ား၏ ကိုယ္က်ိဳးဖက္ လူမဆန္ျခင္းေၾကာင့္ လူသား အေျခခံအခြင့္အေရးမ်ားပါ နစ္နာဆုံးရွဳံးျခင္း ခံေနၾကရေသာ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ လူထုတစ္ရပ္လုံး၏ အခြင့္အေရးကို ျပန္ရယူျပီး Sister Community ျဖစ္ေသာ ရခိုင္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ား ႏွင့္ ေအးခ်မ္းစြာ ေနထိုင္ႏိုင္ရန္ မ်က္ေမွာက္ေခတ္၏ ေဘာင္စည္းမ်ဥ္း၊စည္းကမ္း ႏွင့္အညီၾကိဳးစား ရုန္းကန္ျခင္းသာ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
Arakan တြင္ ဘိုးဘြား စဥ္ဆက္ေနထိုင္လာခဲ့ေသာ လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားသည္ အမိေျမကို Arakan ဟု သုံးနဳံးလွ်င္ ဘယ္ဥပေဒကမွ အျပစ္ေပး အေရးယူ၍ မရေပ။ အယူ၀ါဒ က်ဥ္းေျမာင္းေသာ လူမ်ိဳးေရး၀ါဒီမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ထိုကဲ့သို႕ မဟုတ္မမွန္ေရးသားျပီး တကမၻာလုံးအား မ်က္စိမွိတ္၊နားပိတ္ရန္ ၾကိဳးစားေနၾက ၿခင္းျဖစ္သည္။
“ဆဠမစာပုိဒ္ “
ကမၻာတစ္၀ွမ္းက ရခိုင္အမ်ိဳးသားတို႕ကို Arakanese ၊ ရခိုင္ျပည္ကို Arakan ေျမပုံမ်ားတြင္လဲ Arakan ဟုသာ ယေန႕ထိ Arakan ႏွင့္ Arakanese တို႕သည္ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ၀င္မ်ားျဖစ္သည္၊ ဘဂါၤလီလူမ်ိဳးတစ္ခုသည္ Arakan ႏွင့္ပက္သက္ေသာ သမိုင္းမ်ား၊စာအုပ္မ်ားကို လိမ္ညာ ျဖန္႕ခ်ီ….။
မည္သည့္္ သမို္င္းဆရာကမွ် ရခိုင္အမ်ိဳးသားတို႕ကို Arakanese ဟူ၍ သုံးခဲ့သည္မရွိပါ။ Magh ဟူ၍သာ ရွိသည္။ ရခိုင္သည္ Magh ၏ updated version ျဖစ္သည္။ Arakanese ဟုဆိုလွ်င္ Arakan တြင္လူမ်ိဳးအားလုံးကို ဆိုလိုသည္။Hindu,Muslim,Buddist အားလုံးအက်ဳံး၀င္သည္။ ေျမပုံတြင္ Arakan ကိုသုံးျခင္းသည္ မဆန္းပါ…။Arakan ကိုသုံးျခင္းျဖင့္ Arakan သည္ ရခိုင္လူမ်ိဳးအတြက္ခ်ည္းသာ ျဖစ္မသြားပါ။ယခု အခ်ိန္အထိ ကမၻာ့ပညာရွင္ မည္သူကမွ Arakan ႏွင့္ Arakanese တို႕သည္ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ၀င္မ်ားသာ ျဖစ္သည္ဟု မွတ္ခ်က္မေပးပါ။ သိလဲမသိၾကပါ။ရိဳဟင္ဂ်ာ လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားသည္ မိမိတို႕၏ သမိုင္းျဖစ္ရပ္အမွန္ကို ေရးျခင္းသာျဖစ္သည္။ဤသို႔ ေရးရာတြင္၊ျဖန္႕ခ်ီရာတြင္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာမဟုတ္ေသာ သမိုင္းဆရာမ်ား၏ အျမင္ႏွင့္ မဆန့္္က်င္ပါ…။
သမိုင္းဆရာ Dr.သန္းထြန္း၏အဆိုအရ (၁၄၄၂-ခု) ေက်ာက္စာပါ အခ်က္မ်ားကို ကိုးကား၍ အာရ္ကန္ မင္းမ်ားတြင္ မူဆလင္ဘြဲ႕ နာမည္မ်ား ရွိခဲ့သည္။ ထိုမူဆလင္ ဘုရင္မ်ားမွာ နတ္ျမစ္ အေရွ႕ဘက္ ႏွင့္ ကုလားတန္ျမစ္ အေနာက္ဘက္ ေမယုေတာင္ၾကားက ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြျဖစ္တယ္။သူတို႕ အဲဒီ ေဒသမွာ ေနထုိင္လာခဲ့ၾကတာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းေထာင္ေက်ာ္ျပီလို႕ေျပာတယ္။ ပိုမိုသိလိုလွ်င္ ေဒါက္တာ သန္းထြန္း-Kalya Magazine p-27,1994,August ကိုၾကည္႕ပါ။ထိုေၾကာင့္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားသည္ သမိုင္းကို လိမ္ညာျဖန္႕ခ်ီျခင္း မဟုတ္ ရခိုင္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားသည္သာလွ်င္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ၏ သမိုင္းျဖစ္ရပ္အမွန္ကို လက္မခံလိုျခင္းေၾကာင့္ ျဖစ္ရပ္မွန္ကို လိမ္ညာလွည္းစားျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။
“အဠမစာပိုဒ္”
ဘဂၤလီလူမ်ိဳးတို႕သည္ တျဖည္းျဖည္း ရခိုင္လူမ်ိဳးတို႕၏ ေနထိုင္ရေဒသ၊ လယ္ယာေျမမ်ား၊ ဥယ်ာဥ္ျခံေျမမ်ား၊ ဘ၀ရပ္တည္ရာ ၀မ္းစာရွာေဖြေရးလုပ္ငန္းမ်ား၊ သဘာ၀အရင္းအျမစ္မ်ားကို ၀ါးမ်ိဳလာသည္မွာ ေဒသခံရခိုင္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားအဖို႕ ဘ၀ရပ္တည္မူ မရႏိုင္ေအာင္ ၿဖစ္လာေနပါျပီ…။ ရခိုင္လူမ်ိဳးတို႕၏ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးကို က်ဴးေေက်ာ္ ခ်ိဳးေပါက္ခံလာရသည္မွာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ၾကာခဲ့ျပီျဖစ္သည္။
“ေခ်ပခ်က္”
အထက္ပါ မလိုတမာ ေဝဖန္ ေရးသားမွဳသည္ တကယ္ျဖစ္ပ်က္ေနသာ Arakan ၏ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ျဖစ္ရပ္ခံစားမူႏွင့္ လုံး၀ဆန္႕က်င္ေနသည္။ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ိဳးတို႕ ဘိုးဘြားစဥ္ဆက္ကတည္းက ပိုင္ဆိုင္ လုပ္ကိုင္လာေသာ လယ္ယာေျမမ်ား၊ ဥယ်ာဥ္ျခံေျမမ်ားကို သိမ္းပိုက္ ၀ါးမ်ိဳးေနသည္မွာ ဘဂၤလားမွ ဝင္လာေသာ ဘဂါၤလီ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ၀င္ လူမ်ိဳးမ်ား ၊ ရန္ကုန္ အင္းစိန္ က်ဴးေက်ာ္ ရပ္ကြက္မွ ေနရာခ်ေပးေသာ ဗမာလူမ်ိဳးမ်ား ႏွင့္စစ္အစိုးရတို့ပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။
၁၉၉၀ ခုႏွစ္ ၀န္းက်င္မွ စ၍ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ပိုင္လယ္ယာေျမမ်ား သိမ္းယူကာ တဘက္နိုင္ငံမွဝင္ေရာက္လာေသာဗုဒၶဘာသာ ေမာ့ဂ္ မ်ားအတြက္ အိမ္အသင့္ လယ္္အသင့္ ေျမအသင့္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားက တည္ေဆာက္ေပးေနရသည္။ ဥပမာ ေမာင္ေတာျမိဳ႕ ေတာင္ပိုင္း ႏွင့္ ေျမာက္ပိုင္းတြင္ ထိုကဲ့သို႕ စံျပ ေက်းရြာမ်ားကို ေတြ႕ရွိရမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ေမာင္ေတာျမိဳ႕၊ျမိဳ႕မ ကညင္တန္းရွိ မူဆလင္ ဘာသာေရး ေမာရ္ေကာစ္ ဗလီ ေက်ာင္းၾကီးကို ဖ်က္ဆီး၍ မီးသတ္တပ္ဖြဲ ဌါန အျဖစ္အသုံးျပဳေနသည္။ ထိုဗလီေက်ာင္းၾကီး၏ Mehrab ကို အိပ္သာအျဖစ္ သုံးေနသည္။ ေမာင္ေတာျမိဳ႕ အထက္တန္းေက်ာင္း အေနာက္ဘက္ရွိ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ အိမ္ျခံမ်ားကို သိမ္းပိုက္ယူခဲ့သည္။ ဘူးသီးေတာင္ျမိဳ႕မွ ေမာင္ေတာျမိဳ႕သို႕ အ၀င္၀တြင္ ရွိေသာ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာပိုင္ လယ္ေျမမ်ားကို သိမ္းယူျပီး ဘုရားတည္ခဲ့သည္။ အလယ္သံေက်ာ္မွ ျမိဳ႕မ ကညင္တန္း အ၀င္တြင္ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ခ်္ ဘုန္းၾကီးေက်ာင္းတိုက္ကို ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာတို႕၏ လယ္ေျမမ်ားေပၚတြင္ သိမ္းယူတည္ေထာင္ခဲ့သည္။
တဖန္ စစ္ေတြျမိဳ႕ ယဥ္ေက်းမွဳ ျပတိုက္တည္ရွိရာ ေနရာသည္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာမူဆလင္တို႕၏ အိမ္ျခံေျမျဖစ္သည္။ စစ္ေတြျမိဳ႕မ ဗလီၾကီး၏ ေျမာက္ဘက္တြင္ မီးေလာင္ရာမွ ဖ်က္ဆီး သြားေသာ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာပိုင္ အိမ္ယာေျမမ်ားကို သိမ္းယူျပီး လူမ်ိဳး ရခိုင္မ်ားအတြက္ ဆိုင္ခန္း၊ ယဥ္ေက်းမွဳျပတိုက္ စသည္ တို႕ကိုတည္းေဆာက္ေပးခဲ့သည္။
ထိုမွတစ္ပါး ၁၉၉၄-ခုႏွစ္တြင္ မင္းျပား ႏွင့္ ေျမာက္ဦးျမိဳ႕နယ္မ်ားမွ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ိဳးမ်ား၏ အိမ္ျခံေျမယာမ်ားကို သိမ္းယူးျပီး ထိုရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားကို ေမာင္ေတာျမိဳ႕သို႕ အိုးမဲ့အိမ္မဲ့ ဘ၀သို႕ ပို႕ေဆာင္ေပးခဲ့သည္။ ထိုမိသားစုမ်ာားကို ယၡဳထက္တိုင္ ေမာင္ေတာျမိဳ႕ေတာင္ပိုင္းရွိ ေက်းရြာမ်ားတြင္ ေတြ႕ႏိုင္ပါသည္။
အထက္ပါ အခ်က္အလက္မ်ားသည္ ခိုင္လုံေသာ အေထာက္အထားမ်ားျဖစ္ၿပီး အမ်ားစုထဲမွ အနည္းအက်ဥ္းကို တင္ျပျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။
အထက္ပါ တင္ျပခ်က္မ်ားကို ၾကည္႕ျခင္းအားျဖင့္ လူအခြင့္အေရးခ်ိဳးေဖာက္ခံရသူမ်ားမွာ ရခိုင္ေတြလား ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြလား သိသာႏုိုင္ပါသည္။အစိုးရ ႏွင့္ ရခိုင္လူမ်ိဳးတို႕၏ ေန႕စဥ္မျပတ္ ရက္စက္ ခ်ဳပ္ခ်ယ္္မွဳကို ခံေနရသူမ်ားမွာ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားပင္ၿဖစ္သည္။ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ တို့၏ ေနထိုင္ရေဒသ၊ လယ္ယာေျမမ်ား ဥယ်ာဥ္ျခံေျမမ်ား ကိုသိမ္းယူေနသူမ်ားမွာ ရခိုင္လူမ်ဳိးမ်ားႏွင့္ စစ္အစိုးရတို့ပင္ျဖစ္ၾကသည္။ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးတို့ ဘ၀ရပ္တည္မူ မရႏိုင္ေအာင္ ခ်ဳပ္ခ်ယ္ ကန့္သက္ ဖိႏွိပ္ ရက္စက္ေနသူ မ်ားမွာ ရခုိင္ႏွင့္ စစ္အစိုးရတို့ပင္ ျဖစ္ၾကသည္။
“ေနာက္ဆုံး စာပိုဒ္”
“ေခ်ပခ်က္”
ယခုမ်က္ေမွာက္ကာလတြင္ မည္သည္႕ ရခိုင္ဘာသာေရး အေဆာက္အအုံးမ်ားကို တစ္ျခား ရခိုင္မဟုတ္ေသာ လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားမွ ဖ်က္ဆီးျခင္း မရိွပါ။ ရခိုင္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ား ႏွင့္ စစ္အစိုးရ ပူးေပါင္း၍ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ိဳး အိစၥလာမ္ဘာသာ၀င္တို႕၏ ဗလီေက်ာင္းမ်ား၊သမိုင္း၀င္ေနရာမ်ားကို ဖ်က္ဆီးျခင္းမ်ား၊သိမ္းပိုက္ျခင္းမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္လာခဲ့သည္မွာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း(၅၀)ေက်ာ္သြားျပီးျဖစ္သည္။
ဥပမာျပရလွ်င္ ေမာင္ေတာျမိဳ႕ ျမိဳ႕မကညင္တန္းရွိ ေမရ္ေကာစ္ ဗလီၾကီး၊ေျမာက္ပုိင္း ႏွင့္ ေတာင္ပိုင္းရွိ ဗလီေက်ာင္းမ်ား၊ေျမာက္ဦးျမိဳ႕ရွိ စႏီၵခန္ ဗလီၾကီးမ်ားကို စစ္အစိုးရ အဆက္ဆက္က ပ်က္စီးျပီး ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ သမိုင္း၀င္ အမွတ္အသားမ်ားကို တိမ္ေကာ ေမွးမိွန္ သြားေအာင္ ျပဳလုပ္လွ်က္ရွိေနသည္။ယၡဳ စစ္ေတြျမိဳ႕ ေလာကနႏၵာ ဘုရားတည္ရွိရာ ေနရာသည္လည္း ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာမူဆလင္မ်ား၏ အိမ္ယာေျမမ်ား၊ ဗလီေက်ာင္းမ်ားကို ဖ်က္ဆီးသိမ္းပိုက္ျပီး ဘုရားတည္ထားျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။
သမိုင္း၀င္သာသနာ့ အေဆာက္အအိုမ်ား ေပ်ာက္ကြယ္ေအာင္ ၾကံစည္ဖန္တီးေနသူမ်ားမွာ ရခိုင္ပဲလား….စစ္အစိုးရနဲ႕ရခိုင္ပဲလား…. သိသာျမင္ရွဳႏိုင္ေပသည္။
ထို့ေၾကာင့္ အနည္းဆုံး ႏွစ္ေပါင္း (၁၂၀၀) ခန့္ကပင္ Arakan တြင္ရွိေနေသာ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားသည္ Arakanese Rohingya ဟုမသုံးႏွိင္လွ်င္ ရခိုင္မ်ားသည္လည္း Arakanese ဟုမသုံးႏိုင္ေပ။ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ သည္ဘင္ဂါလီ ျဖစ္လ်ွင္ ရခိုင္မ်ားသည္ သမိုင္းအေထာက္အထားမ်ားအရ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ထက္ေစာ၍ Indian ကုလားဘင္ဂါလီ ျဖစ္သည္။
အထက္ပါ အခ်က္အလက္မ်ားကို ေထာက္ရွဳျခင္း အားျဖင့္ ရခိုင္တိုင္ရင္းသားမ်ား တိုးတက္ေရးပါတီမွ ထုတ္ျပန္ေသာ ေၾကျငာခ်က္သည္ အေျခအျမစ္ မရွိ၊လူမ်ိဳးေရး မုန္းတီးမူ၀ါဒီမ်ား၏ လုပ္ရပ္သာျဖစ္ေၾကာင့္ သက္ေသျပအပ္ပါသည္။
Rohingyas are not British era settlers, summery of the facts from the Rohingyas of Arakan,AFK Jilani
A Short History of Rohingyas and Kamans of Burma, M.A Tahir Ba Tha (translated by A.F.K Jilani, edited by Mohd. Ashraf Alam)
ကိုယ္ေတြ.ျဖစ္ရပ္မ်ား
Pre-Hearing Questions for the Record Submitted to Ambassador - Designate Suzan Johnson Cook by Senator Richard Lugar (#21)
Senate Foreign Relations Committee
Question:
The state of religious freedom in Burma, designated a CPC since 1999, continues to decline following the killing, arrest, and torture of monks participating in a non-violent protest in September, 2007. The State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) has targeted monasteries, created “Muslim Free Zones,” and forcibly promoted Buddhism throughout the country. What is an appropriate strategy for the U.S. to address religious freedom challenges in Burma? How would you alter IRF policy with regard to Burma?
Answer:
The repressive military regime in Burma continues to engage in systematic violations of human rights and religious freedom against a large number of its citizens. The continued imprisonment of monks for involvement in the 2007 protests is contemptible and hardly consistent with the regime’s claim to be the protector of Buddhism. There is also particular concern over the scale of the repression against the Muslim Rohingya, their lack of citizenship, severe government restrictions on their travel, and discrimination in employment and educational opportunities. Christian and Muslim groups also have difficulties importing religious texts, propagating their faith, and obtaining permits to build, maintain, or modify places of worship in most regions.
The regime maintains a pervasive internal security apparatus that infiltrates -- or monitors the activities of -- religious groups. The government applies pressure on some students and
underprivileged youth to convert to Buddhism and then seeks to control Buddhist organizations to ensure they do not again demand respect for human rights, as they did in 2007. Adherence or conversion to state-controlled Buddhism is generally a prerequisite for promotion to senior government and military ranks. The army’s attacks in ethnic minority regions, where there are higher concentrations of Christians and Muslims, have resulted in hundreds of thousands of internally displaced persons and refugees.
We should continue to include raising religious freedom concerns regularly as part of wider
U.S. policy toward Burma, especially with those countries that provide Burma commercial advantages and diplomatic support. We should continue to engage within the multilateral context on efforts toward reform in Burma, particularly with neighboring ASEAN nations, and also encourage the work of NGOs supporting human rights and religious freedom both inside and outside of the country.
က်ေနာ္ ရဲေဘာ္သုံးက်ိတ္၀င္ ဗုိလ္မႈးေအာင္ နဲ႔ေတြ႔ဆုံခဲ႔တုန္းက သတိရမိတာေလးတခုပါ….သူက ဦးေန၀င္းနဲ႔ပတ္သက္ၿပီး အမုန္းဆုံးအရာတခုကုိေကာက္ခ်က္ ေပးပါတယ္။
“ ငါ….. ကုိရႈေမာင္ ( ဦးေန၀င္း ၏အမည္ရင္း) ကုိအမုန္းဆုံးအရာေတြထဲမွာ…ၿပည္တြင္းစစ္မီးလႈံတာကုိ အမုန္းဆုံးပဲကြာ……………”
“ ဘဘ….ၿပည္တြင္းစစ္မီးလႈံတယ္ဆုိတာ…ဘာလည္း ”
“ေဆာင္းတြင္းေအးရင္..မီးလႈံႀကတယ္မဟုတ္လား…..အေအးဓါတ္ကုိအကာကြယ္ရေအာင္ေပါ႔ကြာ….ဒီလုိပဲ…ကုိရႈေမာင္က…သူ႔ကုိအကာကြယ္ၿဖစ္ေနေအာင္…စစ္တပ္ကုိႀကီးထြားသထက္ႀကီးထြားေနေအာင္….ၿငိမ္းလုိ႔ရတဲ႔မီးေတြကုိ မၿငိမ္းပဲ…အေငြ႔လႈံေနတာ….ဒါကုိဆုိလုိတာ…”
“ ၿငိမ္းလုိ႔ ရတဲ႔မီးဆုိတာ ကေရာ..ဘာကုိဆုိလုိတာလည္း ဘဘ ”
“ ၿပည္တြင္း ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးပဲၿဖစ္ၿဖစ္….ဘာပဲလုပ္လုပ္…သူက မရုိးသားဘူး…ၿပည္သူနဲ႔ ႏုိင္ငံတကာကုိ လွည္႔ဖ်ားခ်င္လုိ႔သာ….ေခါင္းစဥ္လွလွ အမည္တတ္ထားတာ…အႏွစ္သာရမွာက ဒီလုိမဟုတ္ဘူးကြ…..သူက အတုိက္အခံ လက္ႏွက္ကုိင္အဖြဲ႔ေတြနဲ႔ ေၿပလည္မွာကုိ လုိလားတာမဟုတ္ဘူး….တကယ္ေတာ႔ အာဏာစက္က်ယ္ခ်င္လုိ႔ရူးသြပ္ၿခင္းတမ်ိဳးပါကြာ……ဒီလူ႔မွာအလြန္ရူးတာတခုရွိတယ္…အဲဒါဘာလည္းဆုိေတာ႔…..အာဏာစက္က်ဥ္းမွာကုိ သူက အလြန္ေႀကာက္တာကြ ”
က်ေနာ္႔နားထဲမွာ…ဗုိလ္မႈးေအာင္..ေၿပာခဲ႔တဲ႔အာဏာစက္က်ဥ္းမွာကုိေႀကာက္တယ္ဆုိတဲ႔စကားကစြဲထင္ေန မိတယ္…..တကယ္ေတာ႔ ေတာ္ေတာ္တရားက်စရာေကာင္းတဲ႔ အၿဖစ္ေတြပါ…ဒါေတြဟာ ပေဒသရာစ္ စိတ္မကုန္ေသးတဲ႔ အေတြးအေခၚမ်ားသာလွ်င္ၿဖစ္ေနပါလိမ္႔မယ္….ေခတ္အဆက္ဆက္ ရုိက္သြင္းလာတဲ႔ ၀ါဒၿဖန္႔ခ်ီေရးတခုရွိေသးတယ္…နယ္ခ်ဲ႕ဆုိတဲ႔အရာ…ကုိယ္႔ကုိနယ္ခ်ဲ႕လာမွာကုိႀက…ေတြးၿပီးေတာင္ေႀကာက္ေန ႀကတယ္…ကုိယ္က နယ္ခ်ဲ႕ခဲ႔တာကုိႀက…အားရပါးရခ်ီးမြမ္းလုိ႔မဆုံးဘူး….ဗမာ ဘုရင္ေတြလက္ထက္မွာ သူမ်ားနယ္ေၿမအင္ပါယာေတြကုိသြားနယ္ခ်ဲ႕….သူရဲေကာင္းႀကီးေတြလုပ္ႀကတဲ႔လုပ္ရပ္ဟာ…ေကာင္းတဲ႔လုပ္ရပ္လားစဥ္းစားႀကည္႔ရေအာင္ပါ……သူတုိ႔သူရဲေကာင္းဆုိတာ….
(အခုသူတုိ႔လည္းမသိႏုိင္ေတာ႔ပါဘူး…ေသကုန္ႀကၿပီပဲဟာ)…..မေသပဲက်န္ရစ္အသက္ရွင္ေနေသးတဲ႔သူေတြမွာေတာ႔ဘာမသိညာမသိ…အႏွိပ္စက္ခံေနရတုန္း…အသတ္ခံေနရတုန္း(ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံမွာ…နွစ္ေပါင္းသုံးရာေက်ာ္ေလာက္ကၿဖစ္သြားတဲ႔ကိစၥက…အခုထိၿမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ သား ေတြအတြက္ ခံေနရဆဲ…..နယ္ခ်ဲ႕ခဲ႔လုိ႔ အဲဒီ႔ သူရဲေကာင္းေတြ အက်ိဳးရွိ မရွိေတာ႔မသိဘူး….ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံမွာ အခု အလုပ္သြားလုပ္ေနတဲ႔ အလုပ္သမားမ်ားစြာေတာ႔…အခုထိ ခံေနရတုန္းပါ )
အခုၿမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာလည္းၿပည္တြင္းစစ္မီးေတြေတာက္ေလာင္ေနေတာ႔…စဥ္းစားႀကည္႔မိတယ္…ဗုိလ္မႈး ေအာင္ေၿပာခဲ႔ တဲ႔စကားက မွန္ေနၿပီ…လက္ရွိ တက္လာတဲ႔ အစုိးရသစ္ကလည္း….ၿမစ္ဆုံကိစၥ ၊ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားအနည္းငယ္လႊတ္ေပးတဲ႔ကိစၥေတြနဲ႔…နည္းနည္းေလးခ်ီးက်ဴးမယ္မွမႀကံရေသးဘူး…… ကခ်င္အပါ၀င္…တုိင္းရင္းသားနယ္ေၿမေတြဘက္မွာ…ထုိးစစ္ေတြဆင္လုိက္တာ…ေသလုိက္ႀကတဲ႔သူေတြ…ဒုကၡေရာက္ေနႀကတဲ႔ ၿပည္သူေတြနည္းလားဗ်ာ….သူတုိ႔ အာဏာစက္ က်ယ္ခ်င္တာနဲ႔ ေပးဆပ္ေနရတဲ႔ စစ္သားေတြ ၿပည္သူေတြ၊တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြ……လက္ရွိတပ္မေတာ္သားေတြလည္း စဥ္းစားသင္႔တယ္….ဒါဟာ ၿဖစ္သင္႔တဲ႔ ၊ ဆင္ႏႊဲသင္႔တဲ႔ စစ္ပြဲေတြလား……..တုိင္းၿပည္ဘ႑ာေတြ အမ်ားႀကီးဆုံးရႈံးေနယုံမက..လူေတြလည္းေသေက် ဒုကၡ ဆင္းရဲေတြနဲ႔ ဆုံေနရပါၿပီ……. တဘက္ထဲ တင္မဟုတ္…ႏွစ္ဘက္လုံး…တေလာက ေကအုိင္ေအက ဖမ္းမိတဲ႔စစ္သားေတြကုိ… ဗီြဒီယုိမွာ ႀကည္႔လုိက္ရေတာ႔…..စုိးရမ္ေႀကာက္လန္႔ေနတဲ႔မ်က္လုံးေတြ…အသြင္ၿပင္အမူအရာေတြ…….ဘယ္သူ႔မွာတာ၀န္ရွိသလည္း…….ဒါဟာၿပည္တြင္းစစ္မီးဖန္တီးေနသူမည္သူမဆုိ…တာ၀န္ရွိ တယ္…..
က်ေနာ္ေဆာင္းပါးေလးတပုိဒ္ အင္တာနက္ကေနဖတ္လုိက္ရတာရွိတယ္….ဒုတိယ ကမၻာစစ္ကာလက ဂ်ာမဏီ အာဏာရွင္ႀကီး ဟစ္တလာ အၿမဲေပ်ာ္ေနတတ္တဲ႔ တခ်ိန္ရွိတယ္တဲ႔….သူ႔ေဘးက စစ္ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြကကမၻာ႔ေၿမပုံႀကီးကုိတုတ္နဲ႔ေထာက္ေထာက္ၿပီး…သူတုိ႔သိမ္းပုိက္ထားတဲ႔နယ္ေၿမေတြကုိအေရာင္ၿခယ္ရွင္းလင္းၿပသေနခ်ိန္ဆုိ….ဟစ္တလာမ်က္ႏွာႀကီးက၀င္းပေနတာပဲတဲ႔….(က်ေနာ္ကေတာ႔ေတြးမိလုိက္ပါတယ္…ေနာက္ဆုံးစစ္ရႈံးၿပီး ကုိယ္႔ကုိယ္ကုိယ္ ေသေႀကာင္းႀကံရမဲ႔အၿဖစ္ကုိ သူမွႀကိဳမသိႏုိင္တာကုိး ) ။
ေနာက္ဆုံး….ကဒါဖီကုိပဲႀကည္႔ပါ….တခါကသူ႔ကုိသူေႀကြးေက်ာ္ခဲ႔ဘူးတယ္……အာဖရိက…ကဘုရင္ မ်ားရဲ႕ဘုရင္တဲ႔….ဘယ္ေလာက္ရူးသလည္းဗ်ာ…..အဲသလုိလူက…သူ႔ဇာတိၿမိဳ႕အသားေတြေရာင္းတဲ႔ဆုိင္ငယ္ ေလးအေအးခန္းထဲက…ေမြ႔ယာေပၚမွာဆန္႔ဆန္႔ေလး…(.ေသတာေတာင္ထည္ထည္၀ါ၀ါ မေသရတဲ႔အၿဖစ္)…သူ အာဏာစက္က်ယ္ခ်င္တာနဲ႔….အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳး၀ါဒၿဖန္႔…..လူေတြကုိေသခုိင္း….။
အခုလည္း လက္ရွိ ၿမန္မာအစုိးရက က်န္တာေတြကုိေတာ႔ ဘာပဲၿဖစ္ၿဖစ္အနည္းအက်ဥ္း ေဆာင္က်ဥ္းေပးထားၿပီးခါမွ….တုိင္းရင္းသားလက္ႏွက္ကုိင္ကိစၥေတြမွာ…အာဏာစက္က်ယ္ခ်င္ေနတာလား…..ကခ်င္နယ္ေၿမကုိအႀကီးအက်ယ္ထုိးစစ္ဆင္ဘုိ႔…..တရုတ္အကူညီနဲ႔ဗမာစစ္သားေတြကုိတရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံထဲပုိ႔………လူသတ္ဘုိ႔ႀကံစည္ႀကၿပန္ၿပီ……ေကအုိင္ေအကုိအၿပီးသတ္ေခ်မႈန္းလုိ႔ရႏုိင္ပါသလား….စဥ္းစားႀကည္႔ရေအာင္ပါ…..နယ္ေၿမေတြကုိသိမ္းပုိက္ယူလုိ႔ရခ်င္ရင္ရႏုိင္ပါတယ္….ဒါေပမဲ႔ကခ်င္တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြရဲ႕လြတ္ေၿမာက္လုိတဲ႔ယုံႀကည္ခ်က္ေတြကုိ…ေခ်မႈန္းလုိ႔ရႏုိင္ပါသလား….ထုိ႔အတူပဲ….ကရင္၊ရွမ္း၊မြန္၊ရခုိင္၊ကယား….သူတုိ႔တေတြရဲ႕ယုံႀကည္မႈ႔ႏွလုံးသားေတြကုိ ဘယ္လက္ႏွက္နဲ႔ အၿမစ္ၿပတ္ေခ်မႈန္းႀကမလည္း……
လူဆုိတဲ႔..သတၱ၀ါဟာ…ေလာကကုိမလြန္ေၿမာက္ေသးခင္မွာ…….ေလာဘ၊ေဒါသ၊ေမာဟေတြနဲ႔ရွင္သန္ေနရတာပါ……ဒါသဘာ၀ပါ…တခါတေလ…အလကားေနရင္းေတာင္မွေဒါသကထြက္ေနတယ္….ဘာၿဖစ္လုိ႔ လည္းဆုိေတာ႔…အလုိမက်လုိ႔…အလုိေတြကုိမၿဖည္႔ဆီးႏုိင္လုိ႔….လူေတြအတင္းေၿပာႀကတယ္ဆုိတာ…မိမိေဒါသေတြကုိအစာေႀကြးႀကတာပါ…..မိမိေဒါသေတြဆုိတဲ႔အစစ္အမွန္ကုိမၿမင္ပဲ….သူမ်ားေတြကုိလက္ညွိဳးထုိးပုံခ် လုိက္တာ…….သာမာန္လူေတြမွာသိပ္ၿပသနာမရွိႏုိင္ေပမဲ႔…အာဏာကုိဆုတ္ကုိင္ထားတဲ႔သူေတြမွာ…ၿပသနာအ ႀကီးအက်ယ္ရွိပါတယ္…..ကုိယ္႔ရဲ႕ေလာဘ ေဒါသ ေမာဟ ေတြအတြက္ သူမ်ားတကာေတြကုိ ခုတုန္းလုပ္မိတတ္ပါတယ္…..အဲဒီလုိလူမ်ိဳးေတြရဲ႕နိဂုံးေတြဟာေကာင္းမြန္ပါသလား…….မေ၀းေသးတဲ႔ကာလ ေတြကုိပဲ လွမ္းေမွ်ာ္ႀကည္႔ရေအာင္………………………..
အီရတ္က ဆဒတ္ဟူစိန္ဟာ…..ႀကိဳးစင္ေပၚကုိအၿပဳံးမပ်က္တက္သြားတာဟုတ္ပါရဲ႕လား ( သူ႔ကုိႀကိဳးေပးတဲ႔ ဗြီဒီယုိေခြကုိႀကည္႔လုိက္ရင္ ေသြးေလ ေခ်ာက္ၿခားေနတယ္ဆုိတာ သိႏုိင္ပါတယ္ )။ ထုိနည္းတူစြာပဲ….အုိစမာဘင္လာဒင္….သူလူေတြအမ်ားႀကီးသတ္ခဲ႔တုန္းက…သိပ္ဂုဏ္ယူသိပ္ေပ်ာ္ခဲ႔မွာပါ…သူကေတာ႔ တရားေသာစစ္ပြဲလုိ႔ထင္ေနမိတာကုိး….ဒါေပမဲ႔သူေသခါနီးမွာ….လုပ္ရဲရင္ ခံရဲတယ္ ဆုိတဲ႔ စိတ္နဲ႔ အေသခံသြားတာလား ( မၿဖစ္မေနေသရေတာ႔မဲ႔အခ်ိန္မွာေတာင္…ကုိယ္ခ်စ္လုိ႔ယူထားတဲ႔ မိန္းမကုိ ဓါးစာခံလုပ္ေသးတယ္….) ေနာက္ မေန႔တေန႔က……ကဒါဖီ….သူ႔ကုိဖမ္းမိတဲ႔ အခ်ိန္မွာ သူ႔ကုိ မသတ္ဘုိ႔ ေတာင္းပန္ရွာတယ္………ဒါေတြကုိဆင္ခ်င္ႀကည္႔လုိက္ပါ……လူဟာကုိယ္လုပ္ရတဲ႔အခ်ိန္မွာသာ…လူေတြေသေႀကပ်က္စီးရတာကုိအရသာလုပ္ပီတိေတြၿဖစ္ေနႏုိင္ေပမဲ႔……..ကုိယ္ခံရမွာကုိေသေလာက္ေအာင္ေႀကာက္တတ္ပါတယ္…ဒါသဘာ၀ပါ..ဒီလုိနဲ႔နိဂုံးခ်ဳပ္သြားတဲ႔သူေတြအားလုံးတူညီတာ..တခုရွိပါတယ္…….ဒါကေတာ႔…သူတုိ႔လုပ္ခဲ႔တဲ႔လုပ္ရပ္ေတြအားလုံးဟာ…တရားေသာစစ္ပြဲေတြခ်ည္းပဲလုိ႔ေၿပာ ေနခဲ႔ႀကတာပါပဲ……
ဒီေန႔ၿမန္မာႏုိင္ငံရဲ႕ၿပည္တြင္းစစ္မီးႀကီးဟာ….ေတာ္သင္႔ေလာက္ပါၿပီ….ေၿဖရွင္းလုိ႔မရႏုိင္ဘူးဆုိတာ မရွိပါဘူး…….ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာေၿဖရွင္းလုိ႔ရပါတယ္….ဒီလုိမဟုတ္ပဲ…အေစာကဗုိလ္မူးေအာင္ေၿပာသလုိ….မေၿပလည္ခ်င္လုိ႔ကုိမေၿပလည္ႏိုင္တဲ႔စည္းမ်ဥ္းစည္းကမ္းေတြသတ္မွတ္ထားမယ္ဆုိရင္ေတာ႔…….တုိင္းၿပည္တုိးတက္ဘုိ႔ဆုိတာ…နည္းနည္းေလးမွမစဥ္းစားပါနဲ႔ေတာ႔….စကားေတြအဖတ္တင္ပါတယ္…..ၿပည္တြင္းစစ္မီးဟာ…သမင္ေမြး ရင္ က်ားစားရင္း အေၿခေနၿဖစ္ေနဦးမွာပါပဲ…ငါးကုိ ေခါင္းပုိင္းနဲ႔ဖင္ပုိင္းယူဘုိ႔အၿငင္းပြားေနခ်ိန္မွာ ႀကားထဲက ေၿမေခြးက..ဒုိင္လူႀကီး၀င္လုပ္ၿပီး…အၿငင္းပြားေနသူႏွစ္ဦးကုိ…ေခါင္းနဲ႔ဖင္ အညီအမွ် ခြဲေပး လုိက္ၿပီး သူက အလယ္က ၀မ္းဗုိက္သားယူသြားတဲ႔…အၿဖစ္လုိ….တရုတ္ကြန္ၿမဴနစ္ အစုိးရက ၀င္အုပ္သြားမွာမလြဲပါဘူး……
လႊတ္ေတာ္က်င္းပေနခ်ိန္မွာ…..ၿပည္နယ္ေဒသအသီးသီးကတုိင္းရင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား…..ဒီကိစၥကုိဘာလုိ႔မ်ား က်ယ္က်ယ္ေလာင္ေလာင္ မေဆြးေႏြးႀကတာပါလိမ္႔…….ၿမန္မာသတ္ပုံက်မ္း ကိစၥေလာက္ အေရးမပါလုိ႔လား……..ၿပည္တြင္းစစ္အတြက္ ကုန္က်မဲ႔ ေငြေတြ ၊တုိင္းၿပည္ ဘ႑ာေတြကုိ တၿခားဟာေတြ ခနထားဦးဗ်ာ…..ႏုိင္ငံသားေတြ ပညာေတြေတာ္ၿပီး…တုိင္းၿပည္ထူေထာင္ေရးကိစၥရပ္မ်ားမွာ အသုံးခ်နုိင္ဘုိ႔ …ပညာေတာ္သင္ေတြေစလႊတ္လုိက္မယ္ဆုိ….ဘယ္ေလာက္အက်ိဳးရွိလုိက္မလည္း…..။
တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံကေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီး….တိန္ေရွာက္ဖိန္ဟာ….၁၉၈၀ကာလမ်ားမွာအေမွ်ာ္အၿမင္ႀကီးမားစြာနဲ႔….တရုတ္ပညာတတ္လူငယ္ေတြကုိ ႏုိင္ငံတကာလႊတ္ ပညာရပ္ေတြသင္ႀကားခုိင္း ေလ႔လာခုိင္းလုိက္တဲ႔ အက်ိဳးဆက္ဟာ…ယခု တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံႀကီးကုိ အင္အားႀကီးႏုိင္ငံၿဖစ္ေစခဲ႔ၿပီမဟုတ္လား………
ၿမန္မာ႔တပ္မေတာ္သားမ်ားအားလည္း ေမတၱာရပ္ခံခ်င္ပါတယ္……..ဒီေန႔ တပ္မေတာ္ အရာရွိ အရာခံမ်ားဟာ ပညာတတ္ေတြပါ……လူနည္းစုလက္တဆုတ္စာ အာဏာစက္၀န္းက်ယ္ခ်င္တာအတြက္နဲ႔ အသက္ေပးေနရတာ…..ေတြးႀကည္႔မယ္ဆုိရင္ရွက္စရာေကာင္းပါတယ္…..ညံ႔ရာေရာက္ပါတယ္….အမွန္တရားကုိၿမင္တတ္ေစခ်င္ပါတယ္……
မိမိႏုိင္ငံသားအခ်င္းခ်င္း….တုိင္းရင္းသားအခ်င္းခ်င္းသတ္ၿဖတ္ေနတဲ႔……စစ္ပြဲမ်ားကုိအၿမန္ဆုံးရပ္တန္႔ေပးပါ……ဒီစစ္ပြဲအတြက္ကုန္က်ေနတဲ႔ေငြေတြဟာ….ၿပည္သူေတြေသြးေခၽႊးနဲ႔ရွာေဖြထားတဲ႔ေငြေတြၿဖစ္တယ္…..ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားေတြလႊတ္ဘုိ႔…ကတိက၀တ္ေတြေပးၿပီး…၀ိနည္းလြတ္..အနည္းငယ္လႊတ္ေပးသည္႔တုိင္…ေနာက္ထပ္ဆက္လႊတ္ေပးဘုိ႔ကုိလည္းကတိခံေနဆဲၿဖစ္ပါတယ္…….သုိ႔ေသာ္တုိင္းရင္းသားအခ်င္းခ်င္းမသတ္ ၿဖတ္ပါဘူးဆုိသည္႔ ကတိကုိေတာ႔…လႊတ္ေတာ္အပါ၀င္ မည္သည္႔ေနရာမမွ် စုိးစဥ္းမွ် မႀကားရပါ………….
ၿပည္တြင္းစစ္မ်ားကုိ (မည္သည္႔အေႀကာင္းၿပခ်က္မ်ိဳးမွ မေပးပဲ ) အၿမန္ဆုံးရပ္ဆုိင္းပါ………
နုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားကုိ…..အၿမန္ဆုံးၿပန္လႊတ္ေပးပါ…..ၿပည္သူတရပ္လုံးက ေက်းဇူးတင္ေနႀကမွမလြဲပါ….
သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္အပါ၀င္ လုပ္ပုိင္ခြင္႔ရွိသူမ်ားခင္ဗ်ား…
ေလးစားစြာၿဖင္႔
( ေမာင္ေမာင္၀မ္း )
“ ငါ….. ကုိရႈေမာင္ ( ဦးေန၀င္း ၏အမည္ရင္း) ကုိအမုန္းဆုံးအရာေတြထဲမွာ…ၿပည္တြင္းစစ္မီးလႈံတာကုိ အမုန္းဆုံးပဲကြာ……………”
“ ဘဘ….ၿပည္တြင္းစစ္မီးလႈံတယ္ဆုိတာ…ဘာလည္း ”
“ေဆာင္းတြင္းေအးရင္..မီးလႈံႀကတယ္မဟုတ္လား…..အေအးဓါတ္ကုိအကာကြယ္ရေအာင္ေပါ႔ကြာ….ဒီလုိပဲ…ကုိရႈေမာင္က…သူ႔ကုိအကာကြယ္ၿဖစ္ေနေအာင္…စစ္တပ္ကုိႀကီးထြားသထက္ႀကီးထြားေနေအာင္….ၿငိမ္းလုိ႔ရတဲ႔မီးေတြကုိ မၿငိမ္းပဲ…အေငြ႔လႈံေနတာ….ဒါကုိဆုိလုိတာ…”
“ ၿငိမ္းလုိ႔ ရတဲ႔မီးဆုိတာ ကေရာ..ဘာကုိဆုိလုိတာလည္း ဘဘ ”
“ ၿပည္တြင္း ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးပဲၿဖစ္ၿဖစ္….ဘာပဲလုပ္လုပ္…သူက မရုိးသားဘူး…ၿပည္သူနဲ႔ ႏုိင္ငံတကာကုိ လွည္႔ဖ်ားခ်င္လုိ႔သာ….ေခါင္းစဥ္လွလွ အမည္တတ္ထားတာ…အႏွစ္သာရမွာက ဒီလုိမဟုတ္ဘူးကြ…..သူက အတုိက္အခံ လက္ႏွက္ကုိင္အဖြဲ႔ေတြနဲ႔ ေၿပလည္မွာကုိ လုိလားတာမဟုတ္ဘူး….တကယ္ေတာ႔ အာဏာစက္က်ယ္ခ်င္လုိ႔ရူးသြပ္ၿခင္းတမ်ိဳးပါကြာ……ဒီလူ႔မွာအလြန္ရူးတာတခုရွိတယ္…အဲဒါဘာလည္းဆုိေတာ႔…..အာဏာစက္က်ဥ္းမွာကုိ သူက အလြန္ေႀကာက္တာကြ ”
က်ေနာ္႔နားထဲမွာ…ဗုိလ္မႈးေအာင္..ေၿပာခဲ႔တဲ႔အာဏာစက္က်ဥ္းမွာကုိေႀကာက္တယ္ဆုိတဲ႔စကားကစြဲထင္ေန မိတယ္…..တကယ္ေတာ႔ ေတာ္ေတာ္တရားက်စရာေကာင္းတဲ႔ အၿဖစ္ေတြပါ…ဒါေတြဟာ ပေဒသရာစ္ စိတ္မကုန္ေသးတဲ႔ အေတြးအေခၚမ်ားသာလွ်င္ၿဖစ္ေနပါလိမ္႔မယ္….ေခတ္အဆက္ဆက္ ရုိက္သြင္းလာတဲ႔ ၀ါဒၿဖန္႔ခ်ီေရးတခုရွိေသးတယ္…နယ္ခ်ဲ႕ဆုိတဲ႔အရာ…ကုိယ္႔ကုိနယ္ခ်ဲ႕လာမွာကုိႀက…ေတြးၿပီးေတာင္ေႀကာက္ေန ႀကတယ္…ကုိယ္က နယ္ခ်ဲ႕ခဲ႔တာကုိႀက…အားရပါးရခ်ီးမြမ္းလုိ႔မဆုံးဘူး….ဗမာ ဘုရင္ေတြလက္ထက္မွာ သူမ်ားနယ္ေၿမအင္ပါယာေတြကုိသြားနယ္ခ်ဲ႕….သူရဲေကာင္းႀကီးေတြလုပ္ႀကတဲ႔လုပ္ရပ္ဟာ…ေကာင္းတဲ႔လုပ္ရပ္လားစဥ္းစားႀကည္႔ရေအာင္ပါ……သူတုိ႔သူရဲေကာင္းဆုိတာ….
(အခုသူတုိ႔လည္းမသိႏုိင္ေတာ႔ပါဘူး…ေသကုန္ႀကၿပီပဲဟာ)…..မေသပဲက်န္ရစ္အသက္ရွင္ေနေသးတဲ႔သူေတြမွာေတာ႔ဘာမသိညာမသိ…အႏွိပ္စက္ခံေနရတုန္း…အသတ္ခံေနရတုန္း(ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံမွာ…နွစ္ေပါင္းသုံးရာေက်ာ္ေလာက္ကၿဖစ္သြားတဲ႔ကိစၥက…အခုထိၿမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ သား ေတြအတြက္ ခံေနရဆဲ…..နယ္ခ်ဲ႕ခဲ႔လုိ႔ အဲဒီ႔ သူရဲေကာင္းေတြ အက်ိဳးရွိ မရွိေတာ႔မသိဘူး….ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံမွာ အခု အလုပ္သြားလုပ္ေနတဲ႔ အလုပ္သမားမ်ားစြာေတာ႔…အခုထိ ခံေနရတုန္းပါ )
အခုၿမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာလည္းၿပည္တြင္းစစ္မီးေတြေတာက္ေလာင္ေနေတာ႔…စဥ္းစားႀကည္႔မိတယ္…ဗုိလ္မႈး ေအာင္ေၿပာခဲ႔ တဲ႔စကားက မွန္ေနၿပီ…လက္ရွိ တက္လာတဲ႔ အစုိးရသစ္ကလည္း….ၿမစ္ဆုံကိစၥ ၊ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားအနည္းငယ္လႊတ္ေပးတဲ႔ကိစၥေတြနဲ႔…နည္းနည္းေလးခ်ီးက်ဴးမယ္မွမႀကံရေသးဘူး…… ကခ်င္အပါ၀င္…တုိင္းရင္းသားနယ္ေၿမေတြဘက္မွာ…ထုိးစစ္ေတြဆင္လုိက္တာ…ေသလုိက္ႀကတဲ႔သူေတြ…ဒုကၡေရာက္ေနႀကတဲ႔ ၿပည္သူေတြနည္းလားဗ်ာ….သူတုိ႔ အာဏာစက္ က်ယ္ခ်င္တာနဲ႔ ေပးဆပ္ေနရတဲ႔ စစ္သားေတြ ၿပည္သူေတြ၊တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြ……လက္ရွိတပ္မေတာ္သားေတြလည္း စဥ္းစားသင္႔တယ္….ဒါဟာ ၿဖစ္သင္႔တဲ႔ ၊ ဆင္ႏႊဲသင္႔တဲ႔ စစ္ပြဲေတြလား……..တုိင္းၿပည္ဘ႑ာေတြ အမ်ားႀကီးဆုံးရႈံးေနယုံမက..လူေတြလည္းေသေက် ဒုကၡ ဆင္းရဲေတြနဲ႔ ဆုံေနရပါၿပီ……. တဘက္ထဲ တင္မဟုတ္…ႏွစ္ဘက္လုံး…တေလာက ေကအုိင္ေအက ဖမ္းမိတဲ႔စစ္သားေတြကုိ… ဗီြဒီယုိမွာ ႀကည္႔လုိက္ရေတာ႔…..စုိးရမ္ေႀကာက္လန္႔ေနတဲ႔မ်က္လုံးေတြ…အသြင္ၿပင္အမူအရာေတြ…….ဘယ္သူ႔မွာတာ၀န္ရွိသလည္း…….ဒါဟာၿပည္တြင္းစစ္မီးဖန္တီးေနသူမည္သူမဆုိ…တာ၀န္ရွိ တယ္…..
က်ေနာ္ေဆာင္းပါးေလးတပုိဒ္ အင္တာနက္ကေနဖတ္လုိက္ရတာရွိတယ္….ဒုတိယ ကမၻာစစ္ကာလက ဂ်ာမဏီ အာဏာရွင္ႀကီး ဟစ္တလာ အၿမဲေပ်ာ္ေနတတ္တဲ႔ တခ်ိန္ရွိတယ္တဲ႔….သူ႔ေဘးက စစ္ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြကကမၻာ႔ေၿမပုံႀကီးကုိတုတ္နဲ႔ေထာက္ေထာက္ၿပီး…သူတုိ႔သိမ္းပုိက္ထားတဲ႔နယ္ေၿမေတြကုိအေရာင္ၿခယ္ရွင္းလင္းၿပသေနခ်ိန္ဆုိ….ဟစ္တလာမ်က္ႏွာႀကီးက၀င္းပေနတာပဲတဲ႔….(က်ေနာ္ကေတာ႔ေတြးမိလုိက္ပါတယ္…ေနာက္ဆုံးစစ္ရႈံးၿပီး ကုိယ္႔ကုိယ္ကုိယ္ ေသေႀကာင္းႀကံရမဲ႔အၿဖစ္ကုိ သူမွႀကိဳမသိႏုိင္တာကုိး ) ။
ေနာက္ဆုံး….ကဒါဖီကုိပဲႀကည္႔ပါ….တခါကသူ႔ကုိသူေႀကြးေက်ာ္ခဲ႔ဘူးတယ္……အာဖရိက…ကဘုရင္ မ်ားရဲ႕ဘုရင္တဲ႔….ဘယ္ေလာက္ရူးသလည္းဗ်ာ…..အဲသလုိလူက…သူ႔ဇာတိၿမိဳ႕အသားေတြေရာင္းတဲ႔ဆုိင္ငယ္ ေလးအေအးခန္းထဲက…ေမြ႔ယာေပၚမွာဆန္႔ဆန္႔ေလး…(.ေသတာေတာင္ထည္ထည္၀ါ၀ါ မေသရတဲ႔အၿဖစ္)…သူ အာဏာစက္က်ယ္ခ်င္တာနဲ႔….အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳး၀ါဒၿဖန္႔…..လူေတြကုိေသခုိင္း….။
အခုလည္း လက္ရွိ ၿမန္မာအစုိးရက က်န္တာေတြကုိေတာ႔ ဘာပဲၿဖစ္ၿဖစ္အနည္းအက်ဥ္း ေဆာင္က်ဥ္းေပးထားၿပီးခါမွ….တုိင္းရင္းသားလက္ႏွက္ကုိင္ကိစၥေတြမွာ…အာဏာစက္က်ယ္ခ်င္ေနတာလား…..ကခ်င္နယ္ေၿမကုိအႀကီးအက်ယ္ထုိးစစ္ဆင္ဘုိ႔…..တရုတ္အကူညီနဲ႔ဗမာစစ္သားေတြကုိတရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံထဲပုိ႔………လူသတ္ဘုိ႔ႀကံစည္ႀကၿပန္ၿပီ……ေကအုိင္ေအကုိအၿပီးသတ္ေခ်မႈန္းလုိ႔ရႏုိင္ပါသလား….စဥ္းစားႀကည္႔ရေအာင္ပါ…..နယ္ေၿမေတြကုိသိမ္းပုိက္ယူလုိ႔ရခ်င္ရင္ရႏုိင္ပါတယ္….ဒါေပမဲ႔ကခ်င္တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြရဲ႕လြတ္ေၿမာက္လုိတဲ႔ယုံႀကည္ခ်က္ေတြကုိ…ေခ်မႈန္းလုိ႔ရႏုိင္ပါသလား….ထုိ႔အတူပဲ….ကရင္၊ရွမ္း၊မြန္၊ရခုိင္၊ကယား….သူတုိ႔တေတြရဲ႕ယုံႀကည္မႈ႔ႏွလုံးသားေတြကုိ ဘယ္လက္ႏွက္နဲ႔ အၿမစ္ၿပတ္ေခ်မႈန္းႀကမလည္း……
လူဆုိတဲ႔..သတၱ၀ါဟာ…ေလာကကုိမလြန္ေၿမာက္ေသးခင္မွာ…….ေလာဘ၊ေဒါသ၊ေမာဟေတြနဲ႔ရွင္သန္ေနရတာပါ……ဒါသဘာ၀ပါ…တခါတေလ…အလကားေနရင္းေတာင္မွေဒါသကထြက္ေနတယ္….ဘာၿဖစ္လုိ႔ လည္းဆုိေတာ႔…အလုိမက်လုိ႔…အလုိေတြကုိမၿဖည္႔ဆီးႏုိင္လုိ႔….လူေတြအတင္းေၿပာႀကတယ္ဆုိတာ…မိမိေဒါသေတြကုိအစာေႀကြးႀကတာပါ…..မိမိေဒါသေတြဆုိတဲ႔အစစ္အမွန္ကုိမၿမင္ပဲ….သူမ်ားေတြကုိလက္ညွိဳးထုိးပုံခ် လုိက္တာ…….သာမာန္လူေတြမွာသိပ္ၿပသနာမရွိႏုိင္ေပမဲ႔…အာဏာကုိဆုတ္ကုိင္ထားတဲ႔သူေတြမွာ…ၿပသနာအ ႀကီးအက်ယ္ရွိပါတယ္…..ကုိယ္႔ရဲ႕ေလာဘ ေဒါသ ေမာဟ ေတြအတြက္ သူမ်ားတကာေတြကုိ ခုတုန္းလုပ္မိတတ္ပါတယ္…..အဲဒီလုိလူမ်ိဳးေတြရဲ႕နိဂုံးေတြဟာေကာင္းမြန္ပါသလား…….မေ၀းေသးတဲ႔ကာလ ေတြကုိပဲ လွမ္းေမွ်ာ္ႀကည္႔ရေအာင္………………………..
အီရတ္က ဆဒတ္ဟူစိန္ဟာ…..ႀကိဳးစင္ေပၚကုိအၿပဳံးမပ်က္တက္သြားတာဟုတ္ပါရဲ႕လား ( သူ႔ကုိႀကိဳးေပးတဲ႔ ဗြီဒီယုိေခြကုိႀကည္႔လုိက္ရင္ ေသြးေလ ေခ်ာက္ၿခားေနတယ္ဆုိတာ သိႏုိင္ပါတယ္ )။ ထုိနည္းတူစြာပဲ….အုိစမာဘင္လာဒင္….သူလူေတြအမ်ားႀကီးသတ္ခဲ႔တုန္းက…သိပ္ဂုဏ္ယူသိပ္ေပ်ာ္ခဲ႔မွာပါ…သူကေတာ႔ တရားေသာစစ္ပြဲလုိ႔ထင္ေနမိတာကုိး….ဒါေပမဲ႔သူေသခါနီးမွာ….လုပ္ရဲရင္ ခံရဲတယ္ ဆုိတဲ႔ စိတ္နဲ႔ အေသခံသြားတာလား ( မၿဖစ္မေနေသရေတာ႔မဲ႔အခ်ိန္မွာေတာင္…ကုိယ္ခ်စ္လုိ႔ယူထားတဲ႔ မိန္းမကုိ ဓါးစာခံလုပ္ေသးတယ္….) ေနာက္ မေန႔တေန႔က……ကဒါဖီ….သူ႔ကုိဖမ္းမိတဲ႔ အခ်ိန္မွာ သူ႔ကုိ မသတ္ဘုိ႔ ေတာင္းပန္ရွာတယ္………ဒါေတြကုိဆင္ခ်င္ႀကည္႔လုိက္ပါ……လူဟာကုိယ္လုပ္ရတဲ႔အခ်ိန္မွာသာ…လူေတြေသေႀကပ်က္စီးရတာကုိအရသာလုပ္ပီတိေတြၿဖစ္ေနႏုိင္ေပမဲ႔……..ကုိယ္ခံရမွာကုိေသေလာက္ေအာင္ေႀကာက္တတ္ပါတယ္…ဒါသဘာ၀ပါ..ဒီလုိနဲ႔နိဂုံးခ်ဳပ္သြားတဲ႔သူေတြအားလုံးတူညီတာ..တခုရွိပါတယ္…….ဒါကေတာ႔…သူတုိ႔လုပ္ခဲ႔တဲ႔လုပ္ရပ္ေတြအားလုံးဟာ…တရားေသာစစ္ပြဲေတြခ်ည္းပဲလုိ႔ေၿပာ ေနခဲ႔ႀကတာပါပဲ……
ဒီေန႔ၿမန္မာႏုိင္ငံရဲ႕ၿပည္တြင္းစစ္မီးႀကီးဟာ….ေတာ္သင္႔ေလာက္ပါၿပီ….ေၿဖရွင္းလုိ႔မရႏုိင္ဘူးဆုိတာ မရွိပါဘူး…….ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာေၿဖရွင္းလုိ႔ရပါတယ္….ဒီလုိမဟုတ္ပဲ…အေစာကဗုိလ္မူးေအာင္ေၿပာသလုိ….မေၿပလည္ခ်င္လုိ႔ကုိမေၿပလည္ႏိုင္တဲ႔စည္းမ်ဥ္းစည္းကမ္းေတြသတ္မွတ္ထားမယ္ဆုိရင္ေတာ႔…….တုိင္းၿပည္တုိးတက္ဘုိ႔ဆုိတာ…နည္းနည္းေလးမွမစဥ္းစားပါနဲ႔ေတာ႔….စကားေတြအဖတ္တင္ပါတယ္…..ၿပည္တြင္းစစ္မီးဟာ…သမင္ေမြး ရင္ က်ားစားရင္း အေၿခေနၿဖစ္ေနဦးမွာပါပဲ…ငါးကုိ ေခါင္းပုိင္းနဲ႔ဖင္ပုိင္းယူဘုိ႔အၿငင္းပြားေနခ်ိန္မွာ ႀကားထဲက ေၿမေခြးက..ဒုိင္လူႀကီး၀င္လုပ္ၿပီး…အၿငင္းပြားေနသူႏွစ္ဦးကုိ…ေခါင္းနဲ႔ဖင္ အညီအမွ် ခြဲေပး လုိက္ၿပီး သူက အလယ္က ၀မ္းဗုိက္သားယူသြားတဲ႔…အၿဖစ္လုိ….တရုတ္ကြန္ၿမဴနစ္ အစုိးရက ၀င္အုပ္သြားမွာမလြဲပါဘူး……
လႊတ္ေတာ္က်င္းပေနခ်ိန္မွာ…..ၿပည္နယ္ေဒသအသီးသီးကတုိင္းရင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား…..ဒီကိစၥကုိဘာလုိ႔မ်ား က်ယ္က်ယ္ေလာင္ေလာင္ မေဆြးေႏြးႀကတာပါလိမ္႔…….ၿမန္မာသတ္ပုံက်မ္း ကိစၥေလာက္ အေရးမပါလုိ႔လား……..ၿပည္တြင္းစစ္အတြက္ ကုန္က်မဲ႔ ေငြေတြ ၊တုိင္းၿပည္ ဘ႑ာေတြကုိ တၿခားဟာေတြ ခနထားဦးဗ်ာ…..ႏုိင္ငံသားေတြ ပညာေတြေတာ္ၿပီး…တုိင္းၿပည္ထူေထာင္ေရးကိစၥရပ္မ်ားမွာ အသုံးခ်နုိင္ဘုိ႔ …ပညာေတာ္သင္ေတြေစလႊတ္လုိက္မယ္ဆုိ….ဘယ္ေလာက္အက်ိဳးရွိလုိက္မလည္း…..။
တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံကေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီး….တိန္ေရွာက္ဖိန္ဟာ….၁၉၈၀ကာလမ်ားမွာအေမွ်ာ္အၿမင္ႀကီးမားစြာနဲ႔….တရုတ္ပညာတတ္လူငယ္ေတြကုိ ႏုိင္ငံတကာလႊတ္ ပညာရပ္ေတြသင္ႀကားခုိင္း ေလ႔လာခုိင္းလုိက္တဲ႔ အက်ိဳးဆက္ဟာ…ယခု တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံႀကီးကုိ အင္အားႀကီးႏုိင္ငံၿဖစ္ေစခဲ႔ၿပီမဟုတ္လား………
ၿမန္မာ႔တပ္မေတာ္သားမ်ားအားလည္း ေမတၱာရပ္ခံခ်င္ပါတယ္……..ဒီေန႔ တပ္မေတာ္ အရာရွိ အရာခံမ်ားဟာ ပညာတတ္ေတြပါ……လူနည္းစုလက္တဆုတ္စာ အာဏာစက္၀န္းက်ယ္ခ်င္တာအတြက္နဲ႔ အသက္ေပးေနရတာ…..ေတြးႀကည္႔မယ္ဆုိရင္ရွက္စရာေကာင္းပါတယ္…..ညံ႔ရာေရာက္ပါတယ္….အမွန္တရားကုိၿမင္တတ္ေစခ်င္ပါတယ္……
မိမိႏုိင္ငံသားအခ်င္းခ်င္း….တုိင္းရင္းသားအခ်င္းခ်င္းသတ္ၿဖတ္ေနတဲ႔……စစ္ပြဲမ်ားကုိအၿမန္ဆုံးရပ္တန္႔ေပးပါ……ဒီစစ္ပြဲအတြက္ကုန္က်ေနတဲ႔ေငြေတြဟာ….ၿပည္သူေတြေသြးေခၽႊးနဲ႔ရွာေဖြထားတဲ႔ေငြေတြၿဖစ္တယ္…..ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားေတြလႊတ္ဘုိ႔…ကတိက၀တ္ေတြေပးၿပီး…၀ိနည္းလြတ္..အနည္းငယ္လႊတ္ေပးသည္႔တုိင္…ေနာက္ထပ္ဆက္လႊတ္ေပးဘုိ႔ကုိလည္းကတိခံေနဆဲၿဖစ္ပါတယ္…….သုိ႔ေသာ္တုိင္းရင္းသားအခ်င္းခ်င္းမသတ္ ၿဖတ္ပါဘူးဆုိသည္႔ ကတိကုိေတာ႔…လႊတ္ေတာ္အပါ၀င္ မည္သည္႔ေနရာမမွ် စုိးစဥ္းမွ် မႀကားရပါ………….
ၿပည္တြင္းစစ္မ်ားကုိ (မည္သည္႔အေႀကာင္းၿပခ်က္မ်ိဳးမွ မေပးပဲ ) အၿမန္ဆုံးရပ္ဆုိင္းပါ………
နုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားကုိ…..အၿမန္ဆုံးၿပန္လႊတ္ေပးပါ…..ၿပည္သူတရပ္လုံးက ေက်းဇူးတင္ေနႀကမွမလြဲပါ….
သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္အပါ၀င္ လုပ္ပုိင္ခြင္႔ရွိသူမ်ားခင္ဗ်ား…
ေလးစားစြာၿဖင္႔
( ေမာင္ေမာင္၀မ္း )
Credit : Dawnmanhon
Written by လူထုစိန္၀င္း >>
ျမန္မာလူမ်ဳိးေတြ သည္းခံႏုိင္လြန္းတာနဲ႔ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ တိုးတက္သင့္သေလာက္ တုိးတက္မလာဘဲ ေနာက္က်န္ေနရစ္တာဟာ ကိုးကြယ္တဲ့ဘာသာတရားနဲ႔မ်ား သက္ဆုိင္ေနမလား ဆိုတဲ့ေမးခြန္းကို ႏိုင္ငံျခားသား သတင္းသမားေတြ၊ စာေရးဆရာ ေတြနဲ႔ေတြ႕တဲ့အခါတိုင္း အေမးခံရေလ့ရႇိတယ္။
ပါ၀င္စြက္ဖက္မႈမရႇိတဲ့ဘာသာ
ျမန္မာလူမ်ဳိး ပညာတတ္လူငယ္တခ်ဳိ႕လည္း တစ္ခါတစ္ေလ ဒီလို ေမးတတ္တယ္။ဗုဒၶဘာသာက ဘယ္အရာမဆို မိမိျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ကုသိုလ္၊ အကုသိုလ္ကံအေလ်ာက္ျဖစ္ရတယ္လို႔ဆိုတဲ့အတြက္ ႀကိဳးစားသင့္သေလာက္ မႀကိဳးစားၾကဘဲ ေရာင့္ရဲ တင္းတိမ္ေနၾကတယ္လို႔ ထင္ေနၾကတယ္။ တကယ္ေတာ့ ဘာမႇမဆိုင္ပါဘူး။ ဗုဒၶဘာသာဟာ 'ဃရာ၀ါသ ကိစၥမ်ားေျမာင္ လူတို႔ေဘာင္ႏိႈက္' ဆိုတဲ့အတိုင္း ႐ႈပ္ေထြးေပြလီလႇတဲ့ လူ႔ေလာကရဲ႕ ေလာကီကိစၥေတြထဲ ပါ၀င္ စြက္ဖက္ျခင္း လံုး၀မရႇိတဲ့ ဘာသာျဖစ္တယ္။ ကေလးေမြးဖြားတဲ့ကိစၥမႇာ မပါသလို၊ မဂၤလာေဆာင္ကိစၥမႇာလည္း ၀င္မပါဘူး။ ကြာရႇင္းျပတ္စဲကိစၥမႇာလည္း ၀င္မပါဘူး။ လူေသတဲ့အခါ ဘုန္းႀကီး ပင့္ၿပီး 'သရဏဂံု' တင္ၾကတာလည္း ဗုဒၶဘာသာက သတ္မႇတ္ထားတာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ လူေတြက ဆႏၵရႇိၾကလို႔ လိုက္လုပ္ေပးတာသာျဖစ္တယ္။ ဗုဒၶဘာသာက ေသမႇ သရဏဂံုတင္ခိုင္းတာ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ အသက္ရႇင္ ေနသမွ် ကာလပတ္လံုး၊ အခါမလပ္ သရဏဂံုသံုးပါး ေဆာက္တည္ေနဖို႔သာ ဆံုးမတာျဖစ္တယ္။ တင္လို႔ဘာမႇမထူးသလို မတင္လို႔လည္း ဘာမႇမျဖစ္ဘူး။
အမ်ဳိးသမီးေတြ ဓားဆြဲထၾက
သည္းခံစိတ္ရႇိတယ္ဆိုတဲ့ကိစၥမႇာလည္း အမ်ားထင္ၾကသလို တျခားလူမ်ဳိးေတြထက္ ထူးထူးျခားျခားႀကီး ပိုေနတယ္လို႔ မထင္ပါဘူး။ တျခားလူေတြရဲ႕သည္းခံႏိုင္မႈမႇာ အတိုင္းအတာရႇိသလို ျမန္မာလူမ်ဳိးေတြမႇာလည္း အတိုင္းအတာရႇိတာပါပဲ။ သည္းခံႏုိင္မႈရဲ႕ အျမင့္ဆံုးအတိုင္းအတာက ေက်ာ္လြန္သြားၿပီဆိုရင္ေတာ့ အမ်ဳိးသမီးေတြေတာင္ ဓားဆြဲၿပီး ထတတ္ၾကတယ္။နယ္ခ်ဲ႕စစ္တပ္ေတြ မႏၲေလးကိုသိမ္းၿပီးေနာက္ အညာေက်းလက္ ေဒသေတြကို ၿငိမ္၀ပ္ပိျပားေရးအတြက္ဆိုၿပီး ခုခံတုိက္ခိုက္သူရႇိတဲ့ေက်းရြာ မႇန္သမွ်ေျမလႇန္မီး႐ိႈ႕လုပ္တဲ့အခါမႇာ အမ်ဳိးသမီးေတြဓားဆြဲၿပီး ကုလားျဖဴေတြကို၀င္ခုတ္ၿပီး ခုခံတုိက္ခိုက္ခဲ့ၾကတယ္။
အထူးအဆန္းမဟုတ္
ဆရာစံရဲ႕ ေတာင္သူလယ္သမား သူပုန္ထမႈႀကီးမႇာလည္း အမ်ဳိးသမီးေတြ ေရာ၀င္ေရာက္တိုက္ခိုက္ၾကတယ္။ ေရနံေျမ အလုပ္သမားသပိတ္ႀကီးမႇာလည္း အလားတူပါ၀င္ၾကတယ္။ ဂ်ပန္ေခတ္ေရာက္ေတာ့လည္း ပါး ႐ိုက္နား႐ိုက္ အႏုိင္က်င့္မႈေတြ လြန္လြန္းလာတဲ့အခါေရာက္ေတာ့ သည္းခံႏိုင္မႈဂိတ္ဆံုးျဖစ္ၿပီး တစ္ႏိုင္ငံလံုး အမ်ဳိးသား၊ အမ်ဳိးသမီး၊ ရဟန္းရႇင္လူမႇန္သမွ် လႇည္းေနေလႇေအာင္း ျမင္းေစာင္းမက်န္ ရရာလက္နက္စြဲကိုင္ၿပီး အံုႂကြေတာ္လႇန္ခဲ့ၾကတယ္၊ ဒါအထူးအဆန္းေတာ့ ဟုတ္မထင္ဘူး။ တျခားလူမ်ဳိးေတြလည္း ဒီလိုပဲရႇိမႇာ ေသခ်ာတယ္။
ဒုကၠရစရိယာေျခာက္ႏႇစ္ၾကာ
ေနာက္ၿပီးေတာ့ ဗုဒၶဘုရားရႇင္ကိုယ္ေတာ္တိုင္က ေရာင့္ရဲတင္းတိမ္မေနဘဲ အခ်ိန္ရႇိသမွ် ႀကိဳးပမ္းအားထုတ္ဖို႔ အျမဲေဟာေျပာဆံုးမေနခဲ့တယ္။ ဘယ္သူမဆို ႀကိဳးစားရင္ဘုရားျဖစ္ႏိုင္တယ္လို႔ လမ္းညႊန္ခဲ့တယ္။ ကိုယ္ေတာ္ တိုင္လည္း ကပ္ကမၻာေပါင္း အသေခ်ၤနဲ႔ အနႏၲႀကိဳးစားအားထုတ္ခဲ့ရၿပီး ေနာက္ဆံုးဘ၀မႇာေတာင္ ပင္ပန္းႀကီးစြာနဲ႔ ေျခာက္ႏႇစ္ၾကာ ဒုကၠရစရိယာ က်င့္ၾကံခဲ့ရတယ္။ တျခားဘာသာမ်ားမႇာက ဘုရားသခင္ဆိုတာ ဘယ္က လာတယ္၊ ဘယ္သူဘယ္၀ါ ျဖစ္တယ္ဆိုတာ ဘယ္သူမႇမသိၾကဘူး။ ဘယ္ေလာက္ ဆင္းရဲပင္ပန္းခံၿပီး က်င့္ၾကံအားထုတ္လဲ ဘယ္သူမႇ ဘုရားမျဖစ္ႏိုင္ဘူး။ ႀကိဳးစားအားထုတ္ရင္ ဘုရားျဖစ္ႏုိင္တယ္ဆိုတာ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ တစ္ခုပဲရႇိတယ္။
ထိုးေတာ့မယ့္ဆင္
ဗုဒၶဘာသာက မႇန္တယ္၊ ေကာင္းတယ္လို႔ဆိုခ်င္တာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ဗုဒၶဘာသာေၾကာင့္ လူေတြသည္းခံေရာင့္ရဲၿပီး လည္းစင္းေခါင္းငံု႔ခံေနၾကတာမဟုတ္တဲ့အေၾကာင္း ေျပာခ်င္တာပါ။ ၿငိမ္ေနတိုင္း ဘာမႇမလုပ္ဘူးလို႔ေတာ့ မထင္နဲ႔။ ပင္ လယ္ျပင္မႇာ ေလလံုး၀မတုိက္ဘဲ ၿငိမ္သက္ေနရင္ သိပ္ေၾကာက္ဖို႔ေကာင္းတယ္။ မၾကာခင္မႇာ ေၾကာက္စရာေကာင္းတဲ့ မုန္တိုင္းႀကီးလာေတာ့မယ္ဆိုတဲ့ နိမိတ္လကၡဏာပဲ။ ထိုးေတာ့မယ့္ဆင္ဟာလည္း ေနာက္တစ္ လႇမ္းဆုတ္ၿပီး ၿငိမ္ေနေလ့ရႇိတယ္။ ဗုဒၶဘာသာအေၾကာင္း၊ ျမန္မာလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားအေၾကာင္း ေသေသခ်ာခ်ာမသိတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံျခားသားမ်ားက ဘာသာတရားေၾကာင့္ ျမန္မာေတြဒီဘ၀က မကြၽတ္မလြတ္ေသးတာလို ႔ေျပာတာကို နားလည္ သည္းခံႏုိင္ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာလူမ်ဳိးေတြကိုယ္တိုင္က သံေယာင္လုိက္ေျပာတာမ်ဳိးကိုေတာ့ နည္းနည္းမႇ သည္းမခံႏိုင္ဘူး။ အားႀကီးစိတ္ဆိုးတယ္။
လက္ခ်ဳိးေရတြက္ၾကည့္ပါ
စီးပြားေရးမဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးတာလည္း လူေတြက ေရာင့္ရဲတင္းတိမ္ေနလို႔ မဟုတ္သလို၊ ပ်င္းလို႔ ဖ်င္းလို႔လည္း မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ႏႇစ္ကာလေတြကို လက္ခ်ဳိးေရတြက္ၾကည့္လိုက္ပါ။ လြတ္လပ္ေရးရၿပီးတာ ၆၃ ႏႇစ္ရႇိၿပီ ဆိုေပမယ့္ တကယ္တမ္း လြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ခြင့္ရႇိတာ ဘယ္ႏႇႏႇစ္ရႇိလို႔လဲ။ ၁၉၄၈ခုႏႇစ္က ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏႇစ္တြင္း ၁၄ ႏႇစ္ လုပ္ခဲ့ရတယ္။ ရန္ကုန္အစိုးရေခတ္လို အခ်ိန္ကာလေတြၾကံဳေတြ႕ခဲ့ရတာေတာင္ အမ်ားႀကီး တိုးတက္ခဲ့တယ္။ အဲဒီေခတ္က 'တက္ထရြန္' ဆိုတဲ့ ပိတ္စေခ်ာေခ်ာ ျဖဴျဖဴထုတ္လုပ္ႏုိင္တာ အာရႇတိုက္တစ္ခုလံုးမႇာ ဂ်ပန္ၿပီးရင္ ျမန္မာပဲရႇိတယ္။ အဲဒီေနာက္ 'ဒက္ကရြန္' တို႔ 'ႏိုင္လြန္' တို႔လည္း ထုတ္ႏုိင္တယ္။
| 'ကပ္ပါးေကာင္'ေတြကိုပါ တစ္ပါတည္း ဖယ္ရႇားရႇင္းလင္းပစ္ဖို႔ မျဖစ္မေနလုပ္ေဆာင္ဖို႔ လိုတယ္။ ဒါမႇ ေစ်းကြက္စီးပြားေရး ပီပီျပင္ျပင္ ေပၚထြက္လာႏုိင္လိမ့္မယ္။ ကပ္ပါးေကာင္မ်ားအစား ႐ိုး႐ိုးသားသား စီးပြားရႇာစားတဲ့ တုိင္းရင္းသားလုပ္ငန္းရႇင္မ်ား အမ်ားအျပားေပၚထြက္လာေအာင္ တြန္းအားေပးရမယ္ . . . |
ေတြ႔သမွ်ျပည္သူပိုင္သိမ္း
စီးကရက္မႇာေတာ့ အာရႇတစ္ခြင္လံုးမႇာ ျမန္မာကိုဘယ္သူမႇ မမီဘူး။ ဂ်ပန္လည္းမမီဘူး။ ဘားမား စတိတ္၊ ကပၸီတန္၊ လန္ဒန္႐ိုးဖလိတ္၊ ဘလက္ကက္ဆိုတဲ့ စီးကရက္တံဆိပ္ေတြကို အိမ္နီးခ်င္းႏုိင္ငံအားလံုးဆီ တင္ပို႔ ေရာင္းခ်ရတယ္။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္က စက္မႈလုပ္ငန္းအမ်ားႀကီး တိုးတက္ခဲ့တယ္။ ေနာက္ေတာ့ ျမန္မာ့ဆိုရႇယ္လစ္ဆိုတဲ့ ေခတ္ေရာက္သြားၿပီး၊ ရပ္ကြက္ထဲက ကုန္ေျခာက္ဆိုင္ကေလးေတာင္ အရင္းရႇင္လို႔ သတ္မႇတ္လိုက္တယ္။ ေတြ႕သမွ် ျမင္သမွ် ျပည္သူပိုင္သိမ္းပစ္လိုက္တယ္။ စာသင္ေက်ာင္းေတြေတာင္ မခ်န္ဘူး။ ငါးဆယ္ခုနစ္မ်ားအတြင္း အရႇိန္အဟုန္နဲ႔တုိးတက္လာတဲ့ တိုင္းရင္းသားလုပ္ငန္းရႇင္ေတြအားလံုး ၿပိဳလဲက်ဆင္းသြားခဲ့ရတယ္။
စီးပြားေရး
၁၉၈၈ ခုႏႇစ္ေနာက္ပိုင္းမႇာ ေစ်းကြက္စီးပြားေရးစနစ္ကို ျပန္လည္အသက္သြင္းခဲ့တယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ အဓိကက်တဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရးစနစ္က စစ္တပ္အုပ္စိုးတဲ့ အာဏာရႇင္စနစ္ဆိုေတာ့ စနစ္ႏႇစ္ခု သဟဇာတမျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ ေအာင္ျမင္ သင့္သေလာက္ မေအာင္ျမင္ခဲ့ဘူး။ အာဏာရႇင္စနစ္မ်ားနဲ႔ ဖြားဖက္ေတာ္လို အျမဲတဲြပါလာတတ္တဲ့ 'ကပ္ပါးေကာင္' လူတန္းစားသစ္ တစ္မ်ဳိးေၾကာင့္၊ ေစ်းကြက္စီးပြားေရးဟာ မ်က္စိႀကီး၊ နားႀကီးတို႔ရဲ႕ 'ဇီးကြက္စီးပြားေရး' ျဖစ္သြားခဲ့ရတယ္။ အက်ဳိးဆက္က ခ်မ္းသာဆင္းရဲကြာဟမႈ အလြန္႔အလြန္ ႀကီးမားသြားၿပီး ျမန္မာလူ႔အဖြဲ႕အစည္းရဲ႕ အစဥ္အလာ 'ေက်ာ႐ိုး' ျဖစ္တဲ့ 'လူလတ္တန္းစား' လံုး၀ ကြယ္ေပ်ာက္သြားတယ္။
မရႇိမရႇားဘဲ
မရႇိမရႇားဘဲ
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမႇာ ဘယ္ေခတ္ဘယ္အခါကမႇ အိမ္နီးခ်င္းႏိုင္ငံေတြမႇာလို ငတ္ေသေလာက္ေအာင္ ဆင္းရဲမြဲေတတဲ့လူတန္းစား မရႇိခဲ့ဘူး။ အလားတူပဲ သူတို႔ဆီမႇာလုိ 'ဘီလ်ံနာ' သူေဌးေတြလည္း မရႇိဘူး။ လူလတ္တန္း စားတိုင္း ျပည္ျဖစ္တယ္။ အားလံုး 'မရႇိမရႇား' ဘဲ။ အခုေတာ့ တစ္ပါတီတစ္ဖြဲ႕ အာဏာရႇင္စနစ္ေနရာမႇာ ဒီမိုကေရစီအစိုးရမ်ဳိးနဲ႔ အစားထိုးဖို႔ စတင္လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနၿပီျဖစ္တယ္။ အာဏာရႇင္စနစ္ကို စြန္႔လႊတ္လိုက္သလို 'ကပ္ပါးေကာင္' ေတြကိုပါ တစ္ပါတည္း ဖယ္ရႇားရႇင္းလင္းပစ္ဖို႔ မျဖစ္မေန လုပ္ေဆာင္ဖို႔လိုတယ္။ ဒါမႇ ေစ်းကြက္စီးပြားေရး ပီပီျပင္ျပင္ ေပၚထြက္လာႏုိင္လိမ့္မယ္။ ကပ္ပါးေကာင္မ်ားအစား ႐ိုး႐ိုးသားသား စီးပြားရႇာစားတဲ့ တုိင္းရင္းသား လုပ္ငန္းရႇင္မ်ား အမ်ားအျပား ေပၚထြက္လာေအာင္ တြန္းအားေပးရမယ္။
ခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္ခဲ့တယ္
ခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္ခဲ့တယ္
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ လြတ္လပ္ေရးရခ်ိန္က ဆိုရႇယ္လစ္ 'ဒီေရျမင့္ခ်ိန္' ျဖစ္တယ္။ ဖဆပလအစိုးရကလည္း ဆိုရႇယ္လစ္ႏုိင္ငံ ထူေထာင္မယ္လို႔ ေႂကြးေၾကာ္ခဲ့တယ္။ လယ္ပိုင္ရႇင္ကေလးေတြနဲ႔ တုိင္းရင္းသားလုပ္ငန္းရႇင္ေလးေတြကို ေျမရႇင္ယာရႇင္ႀကီးေတြ၊ အရင္းရႇင္ႀကီးေတြအျဖစ္သတ္မႇတ္ၿပီး လုပ္စားကိုင္စားခြင့္ေတြကို ခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္ခဲ့တယ္။ ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏႇစ္ေနာက္ပိုင္း ျမန္မာ့ဆိုရႇယ္လစ္အစိုးရလက္ထက္ေရာက္ေတာ့ ခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္႐ံုမကေတာ့ဘဲ လံုး၀ ႏႇိပ္ကြပ္ ပစ္လုိက္တယ္။ ကြမ္းယာ ဆိုင္ကအစ ျပည္သူပိုင္သိမ္းလိုက္တယ္။တုိင္းရင္းသားလုပ္ငန္းရႇင္ မ်ဳိးဆက္လံုး၀ ကြယ္ေပ်ာက္သြားခဲ့တယ္။
ကူညီေထာက္ပံ့ေပး
၁၉၈၈ ေနာက္ပိုင္းမႇာ ေစ်းကြက္စီးပြားေရးစနစ္ စတင္ကူးေျပာင္းခဲ့တယ္ဆိုေပမယ့္ တုိင္းရင္းသား လုပ္ငန္းရႇင္ မ်ဳိးဆက္ကြယ္ေပ်ာက္ခဲ့ၿပီဆိုေတာ့ အင္တုိက္ အားတုိက္ ပါ၀င္လာမယ့္သူ မရႇိေတာ့ဘူး။ အဲဒီေနရာမႇာ 'ကပ္ပါးေကာင္' ေတြ ေပၚထြက္လာၿပီး ရသမွ် လက္၀ါးႀကီးအုပ္ၾကတယ္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ကို ကူးေျပာင္းတဲ့အခါမႇာ ႏုိင္ငံေရးစနစ္နဲ႔ စီးပြားေရးစနစ္ သဟဇာတျဖစ္ဖို႔လိုတယ္။ ႏုိင္ငံသားအားလံုး အားတက္သေရာ ပါ၀င္လာဖို႔ လည္း မရႇိမျဖစ္လိုအပ္တယ္။ အထူး သျဖင့္ တုိင္းရင္းသားလုပ္ငန္းရႇင္ေတြ ယံုၾကည္စိတ္ခ်စြာနဲ႔ ပါ၀င္လာဖို႔လိုတယ္။ တိုင္းရင္းသားလုပ္ငန္းရႇင္ေတြအေနနဲ႔ ႏုိင္ငံျခားသားေတြနဲ႔ ယႇဥ္ၿပိဳင္ႏိုင္ေအာင္ အစိုးရက ကူညီ ေထာက္ပံ့မႈ ေတြ ေပးရမယ္။ အေရးၾကံဳတဲ့အခါ တုိင္းရင္းသားလုပ္ငန္းရႇင္က သာ အားကိုးရမႇာျဖစ္တယ္။ ႏုိင္ငံျခားသားဆိုတာကေတာ့ သာတုန္း နားၿပီး မသာရင္ ခြာသြားၾကတာပဲ။
အရင္းရႇင္အရင္ရႇင္း
တိုင္းရင္းသားလုပ္ငန္းရႇင္ေတြ ႏုိင္ငံျခားသားေတြနဲ႔ ပခံုးခ်င္းယႇဥ္ လုပ္ႏုိင္ကိုင္ႏုိင္ဖို႔၊ အစိုးရဘက္ေတြက ေငြလံုးေငြရင္း ထုတ္ေခ်းမႈမ်ဳိးေတြ လုပ္ေပးဖို႔လိုတယ္။ လုပ္သာကိုင္သာျဖစ္ေအာင္ အတိုးႏႈန္း နည္းနည္းနဲ႔ ႏႇစ္ရႇည္ ေခ်းေငြမ်ဳိး ျဖစ္ဖို႔ လည္းလိုတယ္။ တကယ္အလုပ္လုပ္တဲ့အခါ ငါးႏႇစ္၊ ေျခာက္ႏႇစ္ အတြင္း အၿပီးဆပ္ဆိုတာမ်ဳိးနဲ႔ ဘယ္လိုမႇလုပ္လို႔ မျဖစ္ႏုိင္ဘူး။ အေရးႀကီးတာက တုိင္းရင္းသားလုပ္ငန္းရႇင္ေတြကို ေရႇးယခင္ ျမန္မာ့ဆိုရႇယ္လစ္ေခတ္ကလို အရင္းရႇင္ႀကီးေတြလို ျမင္ၿပီး 'အရင္ရႇင္း' မပစ္ဖို႔ျဖစ္တယ္။ 'အရင္ရႇင္း' ပစ္ရမႇာက တုိင္းရင္းသား အရင္းရႇင္မဟုတ္ဘဲ 'ကပ္ပါးေကာင္' ဇီးကြက္စီးပြားေရးသမားေတြသာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
Credit : weekly media
YANGON, Myanmar — The United States' special envoy to Myanmar has arrived for his second visit in two months amid hope that Myanmar's government is serious about political reform.
A Myanmar official, speaking on condition of anonymity because he is not authorized to release information, says Derek Mitchell arrived in Yangon on Monday and will travel to the capital, Naypyitaw, to meet with government leaders.
Mitchell said last week after Myanmar released about 200 political prisoners that Washington sees encouraging signs of openness in the country, which was under military rule for decades until this past March.
The U.S. Embassy, which declined to confirm Mitchell's arrival, says Mitchell will visit frequently to engage with the government while continuing to express concerns about repression.
(This version corrects that Myanmar official, not U.S. Embassy, confirmed Mitchell's visit.)
A Myanmar official, speaking on condition of anonymity because he is not authorized to release information, says Derek Mitchell arrived in Yangon on Monday and will travel to the capital, Naypyitaw, to meet with government leaders.
Mitchell said last week after Myanmar released about 200 political prisoners that Washington sees encouraging signs of openness in the country, which was under military rule for decades until this past March.
The U.S. Embassy, which declined to confirm Mitchell's arrival, says Mitchell will visit frequently to engage with the government while continuing to express concerns about repression.
(This version corrects that Myanmar official, not U.S. Embassy, confirmed Mitchell's visit.)
Credit : Huffinton Post
FOR MANY YEARS advocates of engagement with Burma’s dictators have argued that economic sanctions, which are intended to promote democratic change in that Southeast Asian nation, could boomerang by forcing the regime into China’s welcoming arms. Even advocates of sanctions, like this page, have acknowledged the risk, since China’s Communist Party has no qualms about dealing with dictators and is hungry for Burma’s natural resources and its access to the Andaman Sea.
Recent changes in Burma, though, suggest that the interaction between sanctions and China relations may be more complex. Like China’s other neighbors, Burma’s rulers may be chafing at China’s increasing assertiveness. They may see a growing advantage in having the United States and its allies play a balancing role. And they may understand that the West will not do so unless Burma’s regime becomes less repressive.
Recent changes in Burma, though, suggest that the interaction between sanctions and China relations may be more complex. Like China’s other neighbors, Burma’s rulers may be chafing at China’s increasing assertiveness. They may see a growing advantage in having the United States and its allies play a balancing role. And they may understand that the West will not do so unless Burma’s regime becomes less repressive.
That, at least, is one explanation for recent, welcome changes in this nation of 50 million or so people. The regime continues to rule through intimidation and violence. Lately, though, there have been signs of a thaw. The generals wrote a new constitution, held (mostly fraudulent) elections and installed a (nominally) civilian government. The new government in turn has held a series of meetings with Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma’s foremost pro-democracy leader and a prisoner under house arrest for most of the past two decades. It suspended plans to build a massive dam that was opposed by much of Burma’s embattled civil society — and that was designed to produce electricity primarily for China. Most recently it freed more than 200 political prisoners.
None of these steps is sufficient. Perhaps 10 times as many peaceful opponents of the regime as were freed remain in prison. Aung San Suu Kyi’s party, the National League for Democracy, remains banned from politics. Media are still tightly controlled. The Burmese army continues to commit atrocities, including rape and forcible displacement, against ethnic minorities.
Still, the changes are not minor. The questions, then, are what is motivating them and how can the West encourage more? Some Burma hands speak confidently of a battle between hard-liners and pro-democracy reformers and want to rush to the reformers’ aid. Others, as we suggested earlier, believe that the regime may be looking for a way to lessen its dependence on its giant neighbor to the north. Given the opacity of the regime, any explanation should be viewed cautiously — and any response formulated with modesty about outsiders’ ability to affect change.
For the most part, that is how the Obama administration is responding. U.S. officials have stepped up their level of engagement, including by inviting Burma’s foreign minister to Washington for the first time in memory. But they also have said that substantive change in U.S. policy depends on substantive, irreversible change in Burma’s: a freeing of all prisoners and a change of political environment to allow true debate and full participation. The challenge is to encourage change without too quickly removing the incentives that may be propelling it.
None of these steps is sufficient. Perhaps 10 times as many peaceful opponents of the regime as were freed remain in prison. Aung San Suu Kyi’s party, the National League for Democracy, remains banned from politics. Media are still tightly controlled. The Burmese army continues to commit atrocities, including rape and forcible displacement, against ethnic minorities.
Still, the changes are not minor. The questions, then, are what is motivating them and how can the West encourage more? Some Burma hands speak confidently of a battle between hard-liners and pro-democracy reformers and want to rush to the reformers’ aid. Others, as we suggested earlier, believe that the regime may be looking for a way to lessen its dependence on its giant neighbor to the north. Given the opacity of the regime, any explanation should be viewed cautiously — and any response formulated with modesty about outsiders’ ability to affect change.
For the most part, that is how the Obama administration is responding. U.S. officials have stepped up their level of engagement, including by inviting Burma’s foreign minister to Washington for the first time in memory. But they also have said that substantive change in U.S. policy depends on substantive, irreversible change in Burma’s: a freeing of all prisoners and a change of political environment to allow true debate and full participation. The challenge is to encourage change without too quickly removing the incentives that may be propelling it.
Credit :Washington Post
ဒီတပတ္ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမုိကေရစီေရးရာ ေဆြးေႏြးခန္းမွာ လူထုအံု႔ၾကြမႈနဲ႔ ဒီမုိကေရစီေျပာင္းလဲမႈ ဘယ္လိုဆက္ႏႊယ္မႈရွိ၊ ျပည္သူလူထုအေနနဲ႔ ဘယ္လို ပါဝင္လုပ္ေဆာင္သင့္သလဲဆိုတာကို ဦးသန္းလြင္ထြန္း က ၿဗိတိန္ႏိုင္ငံ မဟာဗ်ဴဟာေလ့လာေရးဌာန က ျမန္မာ့အေရး သံုးသပ္သူ ေဒါက္တာဇာနည္ ကို ဆက္သြယ္ေမးျမန္း ေဆြးေႏြးထားပါတယ္။
ဦးသန္းလြင္ထြန္း ။ ။ လစ္ဗ်ား (Libya) ႏိုင္ငံ အာဏာရွင္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ Moammar Gadhafi ေအာက္တိုဘာလ ၂၀ ရက္ေန႔ကပဲ လက္နက္ကိုင္အံု႔ၾကြေတာ္လွန္သူမ်ားရဲ ႔ လက္ခ်က္နဲ႔ ဇာတ္သိမ္းသြားခဲ့ပါသည္။ အာရပ္ေတာ္လွန္ေရး လိႈင္းတံပိုးနဲ႔အတူ တူးနီးရွား (Tunisia)၊ အီဂ်စ္ (Egypt) ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ ျပဳတ္က်ခဲ့ၿပီး အခု ဂဒါဖီရဲ ႔ အျဖစ္ကေတာ့ အဆိုးဆံုးပါ။ အာရွတိုက္က ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာလည္း လူထုအံု႔ၾကြမႈေတြ ျဖစ္လာမလားလို႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ၿပီး အာဏာပိုင္ေတြကို ျဖဳတ္ခ်ႏိုင္ဖို႔ စိတ္ကူးယဥ္ေနသူေတြ ရွိေနပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့လည္း ဒီအေျခအေနေတြ တူႏိုင္မလားဆိုတာကို ၿဗိတိန္ႏိုင္ငံ မဟာဗ်ဴဟာေလ့လာေရးဌာနက ျမန္မာ့အေရးေလ့လာသံုးသပ္ေနသူ ေဒါက္တာဇာနည္ ကို က်ေနာ္ ဆက္သြယ္ေမးျမန္းထားပါတယ္။
ကိုဇာနည္ ။ ။ နံပတ္တစ္ သင္ခန္းစာကေတာ့ ျပည္သူ႔ရဲ ႔ ေထာက္ခံမႈ၊ ျပည္သူ႔ရဲ ႔ ၾကည္ညိဳမႈ၊ ေလးစားမႈ မရွိဘဲနဲ႔။ ဆိုလိုတာကေတာ့ ျပည္သူ႔ေမတၱာခံယူမႈ မရွိဘဲနဲ႔ အာဏာယူထားတဲ့ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ ဗမာျပည္မွာျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ တျခားႏိုင္ငံမွာပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ သူတုိ႔မွာ ေၾကာက္လန္႔၊ က်ီးလန္႔စာစာ ဘယ္ေလာက္ပဲ ခ်မ္းသာခ်မ္းသာ၊ ဘယ္ေလာက္ပဲ လက္နက္အင္အားေတာင့္ေတာင့္ က်ီးလန္႔စာစာ ေနရတဲ့ဘဝက ဘယ္ေတာ့မွ လြတ္မွာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ အဲဒါကေတာ့ ရွင္းတယ္ - ဆဒမ္ဟူစိန္ (Saddam Hussein) ႀကိဳးစင္ေပးခံရတာကိုပဲၾကည့္ၾကည့္၊ ေနာက္တခါ ဂဒါဖီ (Gaddafi)
ေခြးေသ၊ ဝက္ေသ ေသတဲ့ပံုစံမ်ဳိးပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ အာရွတိုက္မွာဆိုရင္ ပတ္ခ်ဳန္းဟီ (Park Chung Hee) ဆိုရင္ ၁၉၇၀ ပတ္ဝန္းက်င္မွာ ညစာ ထမင္းစားပြဲမွာ သူ အသတ္ခံရတယ္။ ဆူဟာတို (Suharto) ဆိုရင္လည္း အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္ခံရတယ္။ ျပည္သူ႔ေမတၱာ ခံယူမႈ မရွိတဲ့ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြကေတာ့ အထူးသျဖင့္ေတာ့ က်ီးလန္႔စာ ေနရတယ္လို႔ ျမင္မိတယ္။
ဦးသန္းလြင္ထြန္း ။ ။ အခု ဒီအေျခအေနမွာ စိတ္ဝင္တစားနဲ႔ သံုးသပ္လာၾကတာက အထူးသျဖင့္ အာရပ္ဖက္မွာ ျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ အျဖစ္အပ်က္ေတြကို ၾကည့္မယ္ဆိုရင္ ဒါက ႏွစ္ေပါင္းၾကာရွည္ အာဏာရွင္ေတြရဲ ႔ ဖိႏိွပ္မႈေအာက္မွာ ေနေနရတာကေန အေျပာင္းအလဲ တစံုတရာကို ေတာင့္တလာၿပီးေတာ့ ဖိႏိွပ္ခံရလို႔ အံု႔ၾကြလာတဲ့ လူထုအေနနဲ႔ အာဏာရွင္ေတြကို ျဖဳတ္ခ်လိုက္တဲ့ အေနအထားအထိ တခ်ဳိ ႔ႏိုင္ငံေတြမွာ ေရာက္ခဲ့တယ္။ အေနာက္ႏိုင္ငံေတြရဲ ႔ ကူညီအားေပးမႈေတြ၊ ျပင္ပေဘး ႏိုင္ငံေတြရဲ ႔ ကူညီမႈေတြလည္း ပါေကာင္းပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဒီလို အေျခအေနမ်ဳိးေတြဟာ အာရွတိုက္၊ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံလို ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယား လို ႏိုင္ငံမ်ဳိးေတြမွာ အလားတူျဖစ္လာႏိုင္မယ့္ အေနအထားေတြ ရွိသလား။
ကိုဇာနည္ ။ ။ က်ေနာ္ ထင္တာကေတာ့ လူထုထၾကြၿပီးေတာ့ ပုန္ကန္လို႔၊ လက္နက္ကိုင္တာပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္။ အႏုနည္းနဲ႔ ဂႏၵီ (Gandhi) ပံုစံမ်ဳိး၊ မာတင္လူသားကင္ (Martin Luther King) တုိ႔လို႔ ပံုစံမ်ဳိး၊ အႏုနည္းနဲ႔ အာဏာဖိဆန္ၿပီး။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ဆီမွာလည္း ရွိပါတယ္။ ဝံသာႏု ဂ်ီစီဘီေအ ေခတ္ထဲက စၿပီး ရွိခဲ့တာ - သပိတ္ေမွာက္တယ္ဆိုတာ။ အဲဒီလို အႏုနည္းနဲ႔ျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ အၾကမ္းဖက္နည္းနဲ႔ျဖစ္ျဖစ္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈက ယိုးယြင္းပ်က္ဆီးၿပီး၊ မတရား ျပည္သူကို ဖိႏိွပ္ၿပီး ျပည္သူ႔စားဝတ္ေနေရး အဆင္မေျပဘူး။ ႏိုင္ငံရဲ ႔ ဂုတ္ေသြးစုပ္တဲ့ အေနအထားေရာက္လာရင္ေတာ့ ဒါအၿမဲတမ္း အဲဒီအေျခအေနက ရွိတယ္။ ဘာျဖစ္လို႔လည္းဆိုေတာ့ သံဃာအေရးအခင္း ၂၀၀၇ မတုိင္ခင္ေလးမွာ ၾသဂုတ္၊ စက္တင္ဘာလမွာ ကိုမင္းကိုႏိုင္၊ ကိုေဌးၾကြယ္ နဲ႔ တျခား ၈၈ ေက်ာင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ေဟာင္းေတြနဲ႔ တျခားေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြေပါင္းၿပီးေတာ့ ကုန္ေစ်းႏႈန္းေတြ က်ေရးလုပ္ခဲ့တာရွိတယ္။ အဲဒါၿပီးတဲ့ေနာက္မွာ သံဃာေတာ္ေတြရဲ ႔ အေရးအခင္း ၂၀၀၇ မွာ လာတယ္။ အဲဒီေတာ့ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္တုန္းက ဘယ္သူကမွ ပညာရွင္ေတြဆိုရင္ က်ေနာ္အပါအဝင္ David Steinberg, က်ေနာ္ ပညာရွင္ ၉၉.၉ ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္းက ဗမာျပည္မွာ လူထုအံု႔ၾကြမႈ လံုးဝမျဖစ္ႏိုင္ဘူးလို႔ သတ္မွတ္ထားၿပီးသာ။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ ထပ္ျဖစ္တဲ့ဆိုေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔လည္း ရွင္းရွင္းေျပာရရင္ လူထုထက္ ႏွစ္ရက္သံုးရက္ ႀကိဳသိတဲ့အေနအထားကလႊဲလို႔ရွိရင္ တကယ္တမ္းမွာ က်ေနာ္တို႔မွာလည္း ဒိဗၺ စကၡဳဥာဏ္ မရွိေတာ့ အဲဒါကို ျဖစ္မလာ မျဖစ္ဘူးလားဆိုတာကို မေျပာႏိုင္ဘူး။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ျဖစ္ဖို႔အေျခအေနရွိလာဆိုရင္ေတာ့ လံုးဝရွိတယ္။
ဦးသန္းလြင္ထြန္း ။ ။ ႏိုင္ငံတႏိုင္ငံမွာ ဒီမုိကေရစီစနစ္ကို အသြင္ေျပာင္းၾကဖို႔ အေျခအေနေတြ ေစ့ေဆာ္လာၿပီဆိုရင္ တခ်ဳိ ႔ကေတာ့ ေအာက္ေျခလူတန္းစားကေန အံု႔ၾကြၿပီးေတာ့ ေတာင္းဆိုလာတဲ့အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ ဖိႏိွပ္တဲ့ စနစ္ႀကီးတရပ္ ၿပိဳလဲၿပီး ဒီမုိကေရစီစနစ္ကို ေျပာင္းလဲသြားတယ္။ ေနာက္တမ်ဳိးကေတာ့ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြပိုင္းက သေဘာေပါက္ နားလည္လာၿပီး လူထုေတြလည္း သိပ္မေက်နပ္ဘူး။ အဲဒီေတာ့ သူတို႔ကိုယ္တုိင္က ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးကို လိုလားပါတယ္ဆိုၿပီးေတာ့ အထက္ပိုင္းကေတာ့ သေဘာေပါက္ၿပီးေတာ့ အေျပာင္းအလဲေတြ စလုပ္လာတဲ့သေဘာ။ ဒီလို အေတြးအေခၚ ႏွစ္ရပ္။ အဲဒီလို အေျခအေနမ်ဳိးမွာ တခ်ဳိ ႔ ပညာရွင္တရပ္ကေတာ့ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာ စစ္တပ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြက ဗမာႏိုင္ငံမွာ ေျပာင္းလဲမႈကို လိုေနပါၿပီဆိုတာကို သေဘာေပါက္တဲ့အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ ေျပာင္းလဲမႈေတြကို တျဖည္းျဖည္းလုပ္ေနၿပီ။ အလားတူပဲ အတိုက္အခံေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ ေတြ႔ဆံုမႈေတြဘာေတြ လုပ္လာေနၿပီ။ တျဖည္းျဖည္းေပါ့။ အခုအေျခအေနမ်ဳိးမွာ လူထုဆႏၵျပမႈေတြ လမ္းမေပၚထြက္ အံု႔ၾကြမႈေတြျဖစ္လာရင္ ဒီလို ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈအရွိန္ကို ထိခိုက္သြားေစလိမ့္မယ္လို႔ေတာင္ ေတြးေခၚၿပီး ေျပာလာၾကတာရွိတယ္။ ဒါနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ေဒါက္တာဇာနီအေနနဲ႔ ဘယ္လိုျမင္ပါသလဲ။
ကိုဇာနည္ ။ ။ ေအာက္ေျခက ဆႏၵျပတာ၊ ေအာက္ေျခက မေက်နပ္မႈ၊ ခံစားမႈေတြနဲ႔ အံု႔ၾကြလာလို႔ ေျပာင္းတာကတမ်ဳိး။ ေနာက္တခါ အထက္ကေန ဦးစီးဦးေဆာင္လုပ္ၿပီးေတာ့ တိုင္းျပည္ကိုေျပာင္းဖို႔ လုပ္တဲ့ေနရာမွာ က်ေနာ္ထင္တယ္ ideas ႏွစ္ခု။ အေတြးအေခၚႏွစ္ခုက တကယ္တမ္းၾကေတာ့ အဲဒီ ႏွစ္ခုကို ခြဲဖို႔ဆိုတာ ေရကို ဓါးနဲ႔ ခုတ္သလိုပဲ။ အဲဒီ ႏွစ္ခုက လံုးဝ ဆက္ႏႊယ္ေနတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ႏိုင္ငံအေနအထားမွာ ၾကည့္လိုက္လို႔ရွိရင္ အခုေျပာေနတဲ့ သမၼတသိန္းစိန္တို႔၊ သူ႔အနားမွာရွိတဲ့ သူရေရႊမန္းတို႔ တျခားလူေတြ အကုန္လံုးက ထိပ္ပိုင္းကေန သမၼတရဲ ႔ အႀကံေပးဆိုတဲ့ ပုဂိၢဳလ္ေတြေျပာတာကိုလည္း နားေထာင္ၾကည့္လိုက္ပါ။ ေနဇင္လတ္၊ ဦးကိုကိုလိႈင္ တုိ႔ေျပာတာကို နားေထာင္ၾကည့္လိုက္ရင္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ႏိုင္ငံက သူမ်ားႏိုင္ငံေတြနဲ႔ မတူတာက ဘာလဲဆိုေတာ့ လူႀကီးေတြကိုယ္တိုင္က တိုင္းျပည္ကို ေကာင္းလာေအာင္ ေျပာင္းေနပါတယ္ဆိုတာ။ တကယ္တမ္းက အဲဒါက မွားတယ္။ အတိအက် မမွန္ဘူး။ ဘာျဖစ္လို႔လည္းဆိုေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔က ဒီလူႀကီးေတြက တိုင္းျပည္မွာ အာဏာယူထားတဲ့ ပုဂိၢဳလ္ေတြက ထိပ္ကေန ေျပာင္းဖို႔လုပ္ေနတယ္ဆိုတာ တကယ္တမ္းၾကလို႔ရွိရင္ ေအာက္ကေန တက္လာတဲ့ ဖိအား။ ျပည္တြင္းမွာရွိတဲ့ ျပည္သူေတြရဲ ႔ စားဝတ္ေနေရး၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရး မေက်နပ္မႈေတြ ဒါေတြ။ အဲဒီ ဖိအားေတြကို ျပည္တြင္းဖိအားေတြကို တံု႔ျပန္တာျဖစ္တယ္။ အဲဒါမ်ဳိးၾကေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔က Georgetown က David Steinberg တို႔ဘာတို႔ ေျပာတဲ့ဟာမ်ဳိးကို မွန္တယ္လို႔ ေျပာလို႔မရဘူး။ က်ေနာ္အေနနဲ႔ လံုးဝလက္မခံဘူး။ ဘာျဖစ္လို႔လည္းဆိုေတာ့ ေအာက္ကလာတဲ့ ဖိအားနဲ႔ အထက္ကေန တံု႔ျပန္မႈ အဲဒီႏွစ္ခုက အၿမဲတမ္း ဆက္ႏႊယ္ေနတယ္။ အဲဒါကို က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ခြဲၾကည့္လိုက္ၿပီးတဲ့အခါၾကေတာ့ အထက္ကလူေတြ လုပ္ေနလို႔ ေအာက္ကလူေတြ ေခါင္းေလးငံုၿပီး ေနာက္ကေနၿပီး ဘယ္လိုေျပာမလဲ ေရွ ႔ကႏြားသြားတာကို ေနာက္ကေျဖာင့္ေျဖာင့္လိုက္ပါဆိုတဲ့ ဗမာေရွးထံုးပံုစံနဲ႔ လုပ္ရင္ မွားမယ္။ ဘာျဖစ္လို႔လည္းဆိုေတာ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီျဖစ္တယ္ဆိုတာ ျပည္သူက ကိုယ့္အားကိုယ္ကိုး ကိုယ့္အျမင္နဲ႔ ကိုယ့္ရဲ ႔ဂုဏ္သိကၡာနဲ႔ ကိုယ့္ရဲ ႔ idea နဲ႔ ငါတို႔က လူသားအစစ္အမွန္ ျဖစ္တဲ့ လူစိတ္နဲ႔ သြားေနတဲ့အခါမွာ ေရွးတုန္းကေျပာသလို အစိုးရဆိုတာ ဘဝရွင္မင္းတရားႀကီးက တိုင္းသူျပည္သားေတြအားလံုး၊ ျပည္သူျပည္သားေတြအားလံုးကို ေက်ာသားရင္သား မခြဲဘဲနဲ႔ဆိုၿပီး သူ႔ကိုယ္သူ အေဖလိုလို၊ ပေထြးလိုလို အျမင္နဲ႔ ဆက္ဆံတယ္။ အဲဒီ စိတ္၊ အဲဒီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈ model မ်ဳိးနဲ႔ က်ေနာ္တို႔ကသြားလို႔။ အဲဒါကို လိုက္လို႔မရဘူး။ ဒီမုိကေရစီစနစ္ဆိုတာ ျပည္သူက ဦးေဆာင္တဲ့စနစ္။ အေရးႀကီးဆံုးက ဘာလဲဆိုေတာ့ Steinberg တို႔ တျခား ပညာရွင္ေတြဆိုတဲ့ ဗမာျပည္ရဲ ႔ အေရးကို ေလ့လာတဲ့လူေတြ အကုန္လံုးေျပာေနၾကတာ ဘာလဲဆိုေတာ့ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရး reform လုပ္တဲ့လူေတြ နားလည္းၾကည့္။ အဲဒီလုပ္တဲ့လူေတြကို ထပ္မတြန္းပါနဲ႔ ဖိအားမေပးပါနဲ႔ ဘာျဖစ္လို႔လည္းဆိုေတာ့ အဲဒါဆိုရင္ hardliner ဆိုတဲ့ မေျပာင္းခ်င္တဲ့လူေတြရဲ ႔ လက္ထဲကို အာဏာျပန္ရသြားမယ္ဆိုတာ တကယ္တမ္း အဲဒါမွားတယ္။ ဘာျဖစ္လို႔လည္းဆိုေတာ့ ျပည္သူရဲ ႔ ဖိအားေၾကာင့္၊ ျပည္သူရဲ ႔ မေက်နပ္မႈေၾကာင့္ေတြမို႔ သူတုိ႔က ဒါကိုတံု႔ျပန္တာကို လိုအပ္တာက ျပည္သူက ပိုၿပီးထပ္တြန္းရမယ္။ ကိုယ္လုပ္ခ်င္တာ ကိုယ္လုပ္ရမယ္။
ဦးသန္းလြင္ထြန္း ။ ။ ဒါေပမဲ့လည္း အဲဒီလို တြန္းတဲ့အခါမွာ တြန္းတဲ့ေနရာမွာ လမ္းမထြက္ ဆႏၵျပမႈေတြ ေပၚလာတယ္။ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ ရုန္းရင္ဆန္ခတ္မႈေတြ ျဖစ္လာတယ္ဆိုလို႔ရွိရင္ အေျခအေနက ပိုမဆိုးသြားႏိုင္ဘူးလား။
ကိုဇာနည္ ။ ။ က်ေနာ္ထင္တယ္ ဆႏၵျပတယ္ဆိုတာ အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးရွိတယ္။ ဆႏၵျပတယ္ဆိုတာ ဒီမုိကေရစီစနစ္ကို ေရာက္ေအာင္သြားေနတယ္။ အဲဒီ ဒီမုိကေရစီဘက္ကို ဦးတည္ၿပီးေတာ့ စသြားေနၿပီ။ ဦးတည္ထားရံုမကဘူး။ ဦးကိုကိုလိႈင္၊ ဦးေနဇင္လတ္ တို႔ ေျပာေနတာကို ၾကည့္လိုက္မယ္ဆိုရင္ ရထားႀကီးက ဘူတာထဲက ထြက္သြားပါၿပီ။ သူတုိ႔ဆိုလိုတာက က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ႏိုင္ငံမွာ လက္ရွိ စနစ္ႀကီးက ဒီမုိကေရစီဘက္ ေခါင္းတည္စသြားေနၿပီ။ သြားေနတဲ့အခါၾကရင္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ဒီမုိကေရစီ ဘယ္ေန႔ ဘယ္အခ်ိန္ၾကမွ နကၡေဗဒပညာေတြနဲ႔ တြက္ၿပီးမွ ဒီမိုကေရစီရပါၿပီဆိုၿပီး ေၾကညာၿပီး စည္းေတြေမာင္းေတြနဲ႔ လုပ္စရာအေၾကာင္း မရွိဘူး။ ဒီမုိကေရစီဘက္ကို စသြားၿပီးဆိုရင္ ဒီမုိကေရစီနည္းအရ ျပည္သူေတြကလည္း လိုက္ရမယ္။ ျပည္သူလိုက္မယ္ဆိုရင္ ဒီမုိကေရစီနည္းထဲမွာ ဘာပါလဲဆိုရင္ ျပည္သူက လြတ္လပ္စြာ ေျပာဆိုပိုင္ခြင့္ရွိတယ္။ ဆႏၵျပပိုင္ခြင့္ ရွိတယ္။ အစိုးရ အေဆာက္အဦးေတြကို မီးရိႈ ႔မယ္၊ ရဲေတြကို ခဲနဲ႔ေပါက္မယ္။ ဒါဆိုရင္ေတာ့ အၾကမ္းဖက္တဲ့လိုင္းကို ပါသြားမယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ျပည္သူက ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားေတြကို လႊတ္ေပးပါဆို ဆႏၵျပတာမ်ဳိး။ ဒါမွမဟုတ္လုိ႔ရွိရင္ အလုပ္ျပဳတ္တာ မတရားလို႔ ဒါကို ဆႏၵျပမယ္။ ေနာက္တခါ လုပ္ခနည္းတာကို တိုးေပးဖို႔ ဆႏၵျပမယ္။ လုပ္ခြင့္ရေအာင္။ ေနာက္တခါ ျမစ္ေတြမွာ ဆည္ေတြမတရား ေဆာက္ၿပီးေတာ့ ျပည္သူေတြ ဒုကၡေရာက္မယ့္ စီမံကိန္းေတြကို စိုးရိမ္လို႔ ဆႏၵျပမယ္။ ဒါေတြ ဆႏၵျပတယ္ဆိုတာက ဒီမုိကေရစီအစိုးရအေနနဲ႔ ဒါကို လက္မခံဘဲနဲ႔ လံုးဝမရဘူး။ က်ေနာ္ဆိုလိုတာက ဆႏၵျပတာက ျပႆနာ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ ဒီမိုကေရစီ လိုလားတဲ့ အစိုးရဆိုလို႔ရွိရင္ ဆႏၵျပတာက ျပည္သူ႔ရဲ ႔ အခြင့္အေရး။ ဆႏၵျပသူကိုလည္း ရိုက္စရာလည္း မလိုဘူး။ အိပ္တဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ သြားဖမ္းစရာလည္း မလိုဘူး။ ၅ (ည) နဲ႔ ေထာင္ခ်စရာလည္း မလိုဘူး။ အာဏာကို ျပည္သူ႔လက္ထဲမွာပဲ ရွိတဲ့ဆိုတဲ့ စိတ္ဓါတ္ကို ႏိုင္ငံေရး အေဆာက္အအံုထဲမွာေရာ၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္လုပ္တဲ့ တပ္မေတာ္ ပုဂိၢဳလ္ေတြရဲ ႔ ေခါင္းထဲကို မေရာက္မခ်င္း ဒီမိုကေရစီဘက္ကို သြားေနတယ္လို႔ ေျပာရမွာက အေတာ္ခက္ေနမယ္။
ဦးသန္းလြင္ထြန္း ။ ။ အဲဒီေတာ့ ေဒါက္တာဇာနည္ရဲ ႔ သေဘာက လက္ရွိအခ်ိန္မွာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ တို႔လို အတိုက္အခံေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ၊ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ရင္ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ထဲမွာ ေရာက္ေနတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြအေနနဲ႔ အစိုးရနဲ႔ ညိွႏႈိင္းၿပီးေတာ့ ဒီမုိကေရစီ လမ္းဖက္ကို ေရာက္ေအာင္ ညိွႏိႈင္းယူ လုပ္ေနတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ျပည္သူေတြအေနနဲ႔လည္း ကုိယ့္ရဲ ႔ ရပိုင္ခြင့္၊ အခြင့္အေရးေတြကိုသံုးၿပီး ဆႏၵျပစရာရွိတာျပ၊ လုပ္စရာရွိတာလုပ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ စည္းကမ္းတက် လုပ္ေဆာင္ၾကဖို႔ဆိုတဲ့ အခ်က္ကို မီးေမွာင္ထိုးျပခ်င္တဲ့ သေဘာေပါ့။
ကိုဇာနည္ ။ ။ ဟုတ္တယ္။ ၁၉၄၆-၄၇ အဂၤလိပ္ျပန္ဝင္လာၿပီး လြတ္လပ္ေရး ညိွႏိႈင္း စၿပီး။ အဂၤလိပ္နဲ႔ လြတ္လပ္ေရး စတင္ေဆြးေႏြးတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္း၊ သခင္သန္းထြန္း၊ ဦးသိန္းေဖျမင့္၊ သခင္စိုး တို႔ အကုန္ပါတယ္။ အားလံုးက အေစာပိုင္းမွာ ဒီဟာကို ေပါင္းၿပီး။ ဦးႏု တို႔ ဖဆပလေခတ္မွာ လုပ္တဲ့ဟာကို ၾကည့္ပါ။ လူေတြက ကိုယ့္အလုပ္ကို ကုိယ္လုပ္ေနၾကတာ။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းမွာ ျပည္သူ႔ရဲေဘာ္ဆိုၿပီး ဖြဲ႔ထားတဲ့တပ္လည္းရွိတယ္။ ေနာက္တခါ ဗမာျပည္ရဲ ႔ Burma Army ဆိုၿပီး ထပ္ေပၚလာတယ္။ ေနာက္တခါ သခင္သန္းထြန္းတို႔၊ သခင္စိုးတို႔ ကလည္း အလုပ္သမား၊ လယ္သမားေတြကို စည္းရံုးတာေတြ ရွိေနတယ္။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းကလည္း ဘုရင္ခံရဲ ႔ အတိုင္ပင္ခံ အဖြဲ႔ထဲမွာ ဝင္ၿပီးေတာ့ ဒုတိယ ဥကၠ႒အေနနဲ႔ ဝင္လုပ္ေနတယ္။ အဲဒီေတာ့ ဆိုလိုတာက က်ေနာ္တို႔က ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ က သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္ နဲ႔ ထိုင္စကားေျပာေနလို႔ က်န္တဲ့လူေတြက ၿငိမ္ေနရမယ္။ ကိုဇာဂနာ က ဘာလုပ္ေနလို႔ က်န္တဲ့လူေတြက ကိုဇာဂနာ ဆီက ေျပာတာက နားေထာင္ၿပီး နားစြန္႔ၿပီး သူေျပာသမွ်ကို အေနာက္က လိုက္လုပ္ပါဆိုတာ ဒါက ဒီမုိကေရစီ လႈပ္ရွားမႈလည္း မဟုတ္ဘူး။ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ထိုက္တန္တဲ့ လူထုသေဘာမ်ဳိးလည္း မဟုတ္ဘူး။ ေခါင္းေဆာင္လုပ္သမွ်ကို ထိုင္ေစာင့္ၿပီး ေခါင္းေဆာင္လုပ္မွ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေျခလွမ္းလွမ္းမွ ေနာက္ကလိုက္တယ္ဆိုတာ အဲဒါက ေနာက္လိုက္ျပည္သူ၊ ဒီမုိကေရစီနဲ႔ တန္တဲ့ ျပည္သူမဟုတ္ဘူး။ ဘာျဖစ္လို႔လည္းဆိုေတာ့ ဒီမုိကေရစီစနစ္ကို ေရာက္ဖို႔က ျပည္သူက ဒီမုိကေရစီစနစ္ အေတြးအေခၚမ်ဳိး၊ စဥ္းစားမႈမ်ဳိး မရွိဘဲနဲ႔ ေနတိုင္း အဲဒီလိုမ်ဳိး မလုပ္ဘဲနဲ႔ ဘယ္ေတာ့မွ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ဘူး။
ဦးသန္းလြင္ထြန္း ။ ။ ၿဗိတိန္ႏိုင္ငံ ဗဟာဗ်ဴဟာ ေလ့လာေရးဌာနက ျမန္မာ့အေရးသံုးသပ္သူ ေဒါက္တာဇာနည္ ကို ဆက္သြယ္ေမးျမန္းခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
Credit: VOA Burmese
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ထံ သို႕ ၈၈ မ်ိဳးဆက္ေက်ာင္သား ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ကိုေဌးၾကြယ္ (ဘူးသီးေတာင္) ေထာင္တြင္း ၌ ေရးဆြဲေသာ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္း ပုံတူ ဆီေဆး ပန္းခ်ီကား ဓာတ္ပုံကို ၁၂.၁၀.၂၀၁၁ ဘူးသီးေထာင္ မွ လႊတ္ေျမာက္လာေသာ ၈၈ မ်ိဳးဆက္ေက်ာင္းသား အဖြဲ႔ မွ ကိုသိန္သန္းထြန္း(ခ) ကိုကိုႀကီး မွ ေပးအပ္ေနပုံ (Photo- Tinhlaing)
အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ ျပန္ၾကားေရးဌာနႏွင့္ျပင္ပပန္းခ်ီပညာရွင္မ်ားမွ ဒီကေန႕ ပူးေပါင္းခင္းက်င္း ျပသေသာ “ THE PORTRAITS OF MYANMAR PEOPLE ART SHOW ပန္းခ်ီျပခန္းမွပံုမ်ားအနက္ အထူးအစီအစဥ္အေနျဖင့္ျပသထားေသာ ဘူးသီးေတာင္ အက်ဥ္းေထာင္တြင္ ေထာင္ဒဏ္က်ခံေနရေသာ ေက်ာင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ ကိုေဌးၾကြယ္က ေရးဆြဲၿပီးေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ထံေပးပို႔လိုက္သည့္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းပံု ဆီေဆးပန္းခ်ီကား
ပန္းခ်ီကား၏ ညာဖက္ေအာက္ေထာင့္တြင္ အဂၤလိပ္လို ေ႒းၾကြယ္ဟု ေရးထိုးထားေသာ လက္မွတ္ ပါရွိပါသည္ ..
Photo..Ah Bayah facebook
ပန္းခ်ီကား၏ ညာဖက္ေအာက္ေထာင့္တြင္ အဂၤလိပ္လို ေ႒းၾကြယ္ဟု ေရးထိုးထားေသာ လက္မွတ္ ပါရွိပါသည္ ..
Photo..Ah Bayah facebook
Credit : Dawnmanhon
HARN YAWNGHWE STATEMENT
October 2011
I am aware of the fact that stories and rumours are circulating about my visit
to Burma. The facts about my visit are as follows:
1. President U Thein Sein announced that exiles can return.
2. I am making a private visit to see what is actually taking place.
3. I want to visit places I knew as a child in Yangon and my home town in
Shan State.
4. In the future, I also want to visit other states and divisions of the Union
of Burma.
5. I am willing to meet anybody who wants to see me.
6. I have no political agenda and no fixed itinerary.
7. I am not here to negotiate anything on behalf of any organization.
Thank you
Harn Yawnghwe
Yangon
_______________________________________________
ADDB EBO STATEMENT
October 2011
ASSOCIATES TO DEVELOP DEMOCRATIC BURMA, INC
(Canadian Corporation No.306655-0-M)
15 Donegani Avenue, CP.781, Pointe-Claire, QC, H9R 4Z5, Canada
Tel: 1 (514) 693-1590, Email: harn@euro-burma.be
EURO-BURMA OFFICE
(Belgian Registration No.0895620 004)
Square Gutenberg 11-2, Brussels B-1000, Belgium
Tel: 32 2 280-0691, Fax: 32 2 280-0310, Email: bxl@euro-burma.be
1. The Board of Directors of the Associates to Develop Democratic Burma is aware of Harn Yawnghwe, EBO Executive Director’s visit to Burma.
2. It is a private visit.
3. The Board is satisfied that Harn’s visit will not adversely affect EBO operations. EBO is the operations arm of ADDB.
4. Harn is not authorized to negotiate anything with the Government of Myanmar on behalf of the Associates to Develop Democratic Burma, Canada, or the Euro Burma Office, Brussels.
5. Any ADDB/EBO policy decisions have to be approved by the full Board in Canada.
6. The key objective of ADDB is the promotion of democracy in Burma.
(Fred Shaver)
Chairman of the Board
Contact: Sarah Collen, EBO Europe Director, Tel: +32 2 280 0691
___________________________________________________________
--- On Sat, 10/22/11, zaw.w.kyaw@gmail.com <zaw.w.kyaw@gmail.com> wrote:
From: zaw.w.kyaw@gmail.com <zaw.w.kyaw@gmail.com>
Subject: Harn
To: "uaungtin" <uaungtin@yahoo.com>, "Win Maung" <wmaung4@yahoo.com>
Received: Saturday, October 22, 2011, 10:10 AM
Statement from ADDB EBO
Statement from H Y
http://euro-burma.eu/doc/1110_HY__Statement.pdf
According to the Encyclopaedia Britannica, the population in Arakan grew to 173,000 in 1831, 248,000 in 1839, 461,136 in 1871 and 762,102 in 1901. For the total population in Arakan to grow to those numbers it would have required yearly annual growth rates of 11.59%, 7.24%, 3.46%, and 2.74% within the first 5, 13, 45 and 75 years, respectively, since 1826. Since the first two growth rates (until 1839) cannot be explained away from natural growth, one must look at huge influx or migration from outside to Arakan as the key contributor to understand the phenomena.
K.M. Saw shares the table below about the demography in Akyab (the first 4 columns).
The above table from Burma Gazeteer, Akyab District (p. 86), clearly shows that there were at least 58,000 Rohingyas, who had identified themselves as Muslims, back in 1871, challenging, thus, Saw’s disingenuous claim that they were a product of the late 19th century British immigration policy for rice cultivation, and railway construction, etc. The Muslim population in the Akyab district should not come as a surprise given the fact that soon after the annexation of Arakan by the East India Company (EIC) in 1826, Mr. Paton, the British official who was the Controller of the Civil Affairs in Arakan, prepared an official report in which he mentioned that the total population of Arakan did not exceed 100,000 of which 60,000 were Maghs (Arakanese Buddhists) and 30,000 (Rohingya) Muslims. Here again, in contrast to Saw’s devious claims, there were already 30,000 Rohingyas living inside Arakan back in 1826. They could not have been planted by the EIC.
As the other three columns in the table above show from my calculation, the Muslim population within the district, which was 21% in 1871, became 33.7% in 1911, i.e., after 40 years. During the same period, Burmese population had jumped from 1.67% to 17.4%. Is this growth reasonable for both these population groups? What could also explain the negative growth rates amongst the Arakanese and Hilly people between 1901 and 1911?
A comparison of the population data in 1871 for the Akyab District vis-à-vis the Arakan Division shows that nearly 60% of the Division’s population lived inside the Akyab District, which had transformed itself from a fishing village in 1826 to a fast-growing town. As noted by the Imperial Gazeteer of India, nearly half the Muslim population of the province lived within the Akyab District, their total number could have been well over 100,000 (or at least 97,092) in 1871, thereby constituting nearly a quarter of the total population of 461,136 (per Britannica). The Muslim proportion in 1901 and 1911 census data is close to Mr. Paton’s report, albeit nearly three-quarter of a century later!
Assuming 62% share of the total population, the Rakhine population inside Arakan could have been at least 286,010 in 1871. It would take the Muslim (Rohingya) and Buddhist (Rakhine) population to grow annually by 2.64% and 3.53%, respectively, to reach those figures of 1871.
It must, however, be pointed out that owing partly to cultural norms of being celibate and/or marrying late, the fertility rate (~ 1%) amongst Buddhists has always been lower than Muslims and Hindus. The figure of 3.53% for the Rakhine Buddhist population is simply untenable by any measure, and could not have been possible without external factors like immigration from outside the territory. On the other hand, as we shall see below, the annual growth rate of 2.64% (between 1826 and 1871) amongst the Rohingya Muslims is not unrealistic at all. Even in this age of family planning (21st century), the yearly population growth rate amongst Muslims is about 2%, and figures as high as 3% are not too uncommon.
Amongst the racist elements within the Rakhine and Burmese Buddhist communities, much fuss has been made about the so-called influx of Muslim peasants from Chittagong. Given the EIC’s prime desire to increase its coffer, it is natural that it encouraged migration to Arakan of the descendants of the former refugees who had settled in Chittagong. Jacques Leider’s research does point out that “The major interest of the East India Company in Arakan lay in the extension of rice cultivation in the Kaladan and Lemro Valleys. This plan succeeded because the scores of Bengal Muslim labourers who had been imported from Chittagong in the middle of the nineteenth century, Akyab, the new capital, had indeed become a major port of export of rice for Europe.” One can notice that Leider mentions scores, and not thousands, of these laborers from Bengal. Such a small influx obviously did not alter the size of Muslim proportion. It is also possible that these seasonal migrant workers returned to Muslim-majority Bengal.
The sudden rise in population within the first few years of British occupation strongly suggests that there were more such ‘immigrants’ from within the Arakanese Buddhist population than any other community. For instance, there were extra 73,000 individuals in Arakan just within the first five years of British occupation, suggesting very strongly that they were recent immigrants from outside, notably from Bengal. Within the next eight years, another 75,000 individuals had added to the list of which probably 60,000 had moved from other places (the remainder being natural growth). As the law and order condition inside Arakan improved, especially after the second and third Anglo-Burmese wars, many other descendants of former refugees moved into Arakan.
As can be seen from the table below the annual growth rate of 7.8% between 1871 and 1911, esp. 10% between 1901 and 1911, amongst the Burmese population cannot be explained through natural process of procreation, and must have been influenced by external factors like migration to Arakan. The positive economic environment in Akyab must have contributed to such an influx of the Burmese people moving into the district. One can also notice that many Arakanese Buddhists had moved away to other places between 1901 and 1911. Thus, it is no accident that their percentage fell to 39.52% of the population in 1911 from being 47.9% in 1901. Could they have migrated to Chittagong Division? Since the 10% increase within the Burmese community seems unreasonable, is it possible that many of the Rakhines had identified them as Burmese and not as Arakanese Buddhists? Whatever may be the real answer, suffice it to say that the huge gain within the Burmese population (56,434) and loss (21,217) within the Rakhine population in 1901-1911 cannot be explained away without considerations or possibilities of such external factors. So is the case with the Hilly and Shan peoples of Arakan.
Interestingly, while Khin Maung Saw cries foul about the declining Arakanese (Rakhine) and Hilly population -- becoming only 45.94% (=39.52+6.42) of the total population in Akyab in 1911, he pretends to suffer from selective amnesia about why there was the loss of 21,217 individuals amongst the Rakhines between 1901 and 1911. His silence about the loss of Hilly people whose numbers had steadily declined by 4557 from 1871 to 1911 (and 1469 between 1901 and 1911) is also strange. Only a half-educated intellectual fraud could ignore such obvious signs!
In the same period (1901-11) the Rohingya Muslim population in Akyab had only increased its share from 32.16% to 33.71%, which can be explained by 1.437% annual growth rate within the community. And this rate is only half the yearly growth rate common amongst Muslim population, and may suggest that some of the residents of the district could have moved elsewhere (including to the Chittagong Division).
As already hinted, amongst many third world countries with a sizable Muslim population the yearly growth rate of 3% or higher is not uncommon. Consider the case of Pakistan (erstwhile West Pakistan prior to 16 December 1971) whose population grew 5-fold from a mere 34 million in 1951, shortly after the partition of India, to 170 million in 2010 (i.e. in six decades). Between 1951 and 1972, when it ceded Bangladesh, the yearly growth rate was 3.2%. Thanks to the family planning program, this rate has significantly come down to 2.5% in the period between 1972 and 2010.
For our purpose here, we need not go all the way westward to Pakistan, but can compare the growth rate of Muslims inside Arakan to that in nearby Bangladesh. As can be seen from the above table, Bangladesh (formerly East Pakistan) had a 2.8% yearly growth rate between 1951 and 1972. Thanks again to the family planning program, this rate has significantly come down to 1.7% in the period between 1972 and 2010.
From the above analysis, it is quite obvious that the growth rate among the Muslims in Akyab (2.841%) between 1871 and 1911 is at par with the trends shown in Bangladesh (2.8%). Thus, all the fuss about massive migration of Muslims from Chittagong or Bangladesh to Arakan during the British rule is not only wrong and baseless, it is racist, to say the least.
Even if we are to assume the conservative estimate of 2.8% growth rate amongst Rohingya Muslims since 1826, it is not difficult to estimate that their number could have grown to at least 313,716 in Arakan by 1911. The Rohingya population in Akyab District, per Saw’s table, would have then comprised only 57% of their total population inside Arakan.
So far from the utterly false claims of racist elements within the Rakhine community, the likes of Khin Maung Saw, Aye Kyaw and Aye Chan, the growth within the Rohingya Muslim community of Arakan was an organic one – a natural one, which had nothing to do with so-called influx or migration from British Bengal or Chittagong. On the other hand, much of the early increase in Rakhine and Burmese population to Akyab and Arakan do clearly show that it was due to external factors like migration.
As every student of historiography knows the borders in those days were much porous, thus facilitating population movement. It is, similarly, not far-fetched to suggest that the many of those lost from Arakan census account of 1911, could well have migrated to places like Chittagong Hill Tract and Cox’s Bazar (southern Chittagong) in today’s Bangladesh.
Conclusion:
In the above analysis of British-era demography of Arakan, in contradistinction to K. M. Saw’s bloated and unsubstantiated claims that while “Arakan was a colonie d'exploitation to the British, but to the Chittagonian Bengalis, Arakan became a colonie de peuplement” what one actually notices is a clear racist campaign by a half-educated Burmese/Arakanese Buddhist extremist who has no knowledge of demography. Unfortunately, Saw is not alone and there are many within his ethnic community that thrives on selling poison pills of racism and bigotry against the Rohingyas of Burma.
As we have noticed, the so-called influx to Arakan was caused by the Rakhines and not Rohingyas (or so-called Chittagonians from Bangladesh). The Rakhines of Arakan should be thankful that the Burmese government has not applied its highly racist and bigotry-ridden litmus test towards citizenship against them, many of whose ancestors had moved into the territory of Arakan from Bengal during the British rule. Their accusation against the Rohingyas of Arakan -- who are the true Bhumi Putras (the indigenous children of the soil) -- is like that of a criminal who accuses its victims.
Regrettably, xenophobia, sponsored by the Burmese government and aided by Rakhaing ultra-nationalists, has caused forced exodus of 1.5 million Rohingya Muslims to seek refuge outside Burma, internal displacement of at least a million, and death of another 50,000. Rohingyas are denied each and every right guaranteed under the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Extra-judicial killing and summery executions, humiliating movement restriction, denial of education, job and healthcare, rape of women, arrest and torture, forced labor, forced relocation, confiscation of moveable and immoveable properties, religious sacrileges, etc., are regular occurrences in Arakan, making the Rohingya people an endangered people of our time who require special protection under international laws.
As regional specialists like the distinguished historian - Professor David Ludden of the New York University (and previously with the Ivy League school - U Penn), have repeatedly shown through the massive scholarly works that bear their names – rather than having one singular origin, South Asia and South-East Asia have always included many peoples and cultures which had different points of origin and departures and followed distinctive historical trajectories. What is promoted by ultra-nationalist, narrow-minded revisionists, pseudo-historians as the single tree of their culture, rooted in their racial and religious myths, is actually more like a vast forest of many cultures filled with countless trees of various sizes, shades, ages, colors and types, constantly cross-breeding to fertilize one another. The profusion of cultures blurs the boundaries of the forest. The so-called cultural boundaries of our time are more like an artifact of modern national cultures than an accurate reflection of pre-modern conditions.
Will the revisionist historians and charlatan scholars of Burma reflect upon this fact and amend their ways to make a more inclusive world in our time?
It is high time that the government of Burma repeal its utterly criminal, morally indefensible, repugnant and inhuman Citizenship Law that has denied the right of citizenship and belonging to the millions of Rohingyas of Arakan, who are the true children of the soil.
************ Concluded *********
************ Concluded *********
Burma is undergoing top-down changes, we are being told.
Norway’s Deputy Foreign Minister Espen Barth Eide, after his whirlwind trip to the country, told the Financial Times on Oct 11, “I almost left the country thinking they're moving a little too fast. I never thought I would say that about Myanmar.”
Last month, the Brussels-based International Crisis Group (ICG) issued its latest report on Burma, “Myanmar: Major Reform Underway,” which brims with false hopes, unwarranted optimism, and projected possibilities for Burma—so much so that James C. Scott, Yale’s renowned Southeast Asianist, felt compelled to publicly criticize the ICG’s Burma spin in an interview with the Democratic Voice of Burma.
Driven by divergent agendas and interests, both influential external players and local commercial and technocratic interests are ignoring the country’s power and economic realities while singing the praise of Naypyidaw’s reform.
Notwithstanding the new mood music in the background, Burma's generals and ex-generals cannot conceivably succeed in frog-marching the country towards peace, prosperity and democracy. A glance at their half-century-old record of failures at playing omniscient nation-builders suffices.
The country is ranked second to last, just ahead of Somalia, on Transparency International's Corruption Index. There are pockets of local communities whose socioeconomic and humanitarian conditions are closer to those of countries in Sub-Saharan Africa than to those of an Asian country about to “take off” developmentally.
State provision of health services exists only in name, and so does public education, the largest provider of schooling. But that’s good news for global bankers such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which typically insists on drastically cutting public expenditures in exchange for massive loans.
The country’s environment and communities face serious threats to their survival from some mega-development projects such as dam construction—there are still six dams being built on the Irrawaddy after the halting of the Myitsone dam—and the two major Chinese gas and oil pipelines and Thailand’s US $13 billion Special Economic Zone construction in the country's far south.
In the midst of economically rising Asia, the country produces the fifth largest refugee population in the world. The Burma Army is still waging military operations against armed ethnic groups such as the Kachin Independence Army and the Karen National Union.
For foreign policy makers and gurus who wish to convince the Burmese public and international skeptics of the genuineness of the changes underway in Burma, they must address two outstanding issues on which they have so far been silent.
First, the current top-down changes are not going to make a dent in the most fundamental power relations between the citizenry and the exclusive ruling club of generals and ex-generals, still in service or in civilian skirts. Without both the genuine acknowledgment of and putting into practice the universal democratic ethos of “We the People as Sovereign,” no government can claim to be moving in the direction of some form of democracy. There are no signs that Naypyidaw-men have stopped viewing themselves as the country’s “divine rulers.”
On the contrary, the Nargis Constitution of 2008—so-called as it was imposed on the country amid the cyclone disaster—places the military above the law and legalizes any military coup at the whims of the commander-in-chief. This clearly violates both the spirit and letter of constitutionalism.
For the military’s Constitution is not to curb the generals’ excessive powers, but to further enshrine them.
The Asian Human Rights Commission puts it thus: “The 2008 Constitution is in terms of human rights a norm-less constitution. Under its provisions, the armed forces are placed outside of judicial authority. The military, not the judiciary, is the constitution’s guardian. The judiciary is separated from other branches of government only 'to the extent possible.'”
Second, the main economic policy changes—for what is politics without the economic?—such as attempts to readjust the country’s exchange rate with the help of the IMF and “privatizing” public assets, which in reality is a Russian-style wealth transfer into the pockets of the generals and their cronies, will neither improve the public welfare nor equitably increase the people’s stake in the economy.
In the first quarter century of the generals’ rule (1962-88), the late Gen Ne Win impoverished both the military and the public through his economically ruinous “Burmese Way to Socialism.” In the second quarter century since 1988, his successor—Snr-Gen Than Shwe and his underlings—have pursued “the Burmese Way to Capitalism.” Burma now has a new class of super-rich generals and cronies, who share the massive spoils at the expense of the multi-ethnic public and the environment.
Needless to say, the global oil, gas and mining corporations—for instance, France’s Total and the USA’s Chevron—and Burma’s Asian neighbors have gleefully grabbed as much of the loot of one of the world’s “last economic frontiers” that they can lay their hands on.
For the Burmese public, by the time they have earned their civil and political rights to organize, associate and protest, there will be nothing left worth protesting for.
Upon his release from Myitkyina jail, where he was serving a 35-year prison sentence, my friend Zarganar summed up the local disbelief when he told The Irrawaddy in an interview: “I wanted to believe in these positive changes that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi [and others] spoke about. But since this morning [upon release], I lost belief in them because I found that the government does not even have a genuine desire to release all political prisoners.”
And the comedian is speaking for the Burmese public.
Daw Suu’s positive characterization of President Thein Sein and his “want for positive changes” reminds me of former US President George W Bush and his discovery of former KGB agent Vladimir Putin‘s soul in the latter’s eyes.
Again Zarganar was spot on when he pointedly said that Naypyidaw has been handling amnesties in Burma in a fashion more akin to Somali pirates than a regime that has just had a “change of heart.”
Truth is, the same old military leadership is aggressively engaged in a well-timed and well-calculated strategy designed to placate diverse target groups, both domestically and internationally, with carefully crafted multiple spins.
Furthermore, after 20 years of trying to break, eliminate and marginalize their nemesis Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the generals have finally found an effective way to clip her wings with her own discourse of “peaceful transition” towards democracy and reconciliation.
There is arising a monumental problem with Daw Suu abandoning the streets, which were her original political home as a viable political space, in her hopeful quest for reformist needles in the parliamentary haystacks. There is neither an FW de Klerk nor a Fidel V Ramos within or outside the rubber-stamp Parliament in Naypyidaw.
Unlike de Klerk, Naypyidaw’s generals and ex-generals still do not think there is anything fundamentally wrong with them and their warped worldview. Unlike Ramos, Ferdinand Marcos’ cousin and the West Point-trained reformist who headed the Philippines’ Constabulary, President Thein Sein commands neither the military nor its respect.
It is far more important to take a glance at Naypyidaw’s old designs and new maneuvers than to look straight into the president’s eyes and find sparkles of reformism.
These include the farce of checks and balances, the establishment of a quasi-autonomous human rights commission, the emerging space for pliable presidential advisers, or “useful idiots” as Lenin bluntly put it, and launching concurrently a series of diplomatic offensives at presidential, ministerial and adviser levels to Washington, Beijing, New Delhi and Jakarta.
On the international propaganda front, Naypyidaw is now engaged in well-coordinated public relations work which includes placing well-timed opinion editorials in The New York Times, Al Jazeera, and The Bangkok Post in its quest for normalization and acceptance of the quasi-constitutional military government with a civilian face through a carefully crafted narrative of Naypyidaw’s “hardliners vs reformers.”
Under the fog of trumpeted changes, even the presidential spin regarding the decision to halt the Myitsone Dam—that the new government is acting in accord with the democratic creed—sounds far less genuine and convincing after the Oct 12 amnesty and resultant release of some 10 percent of Burma's politcal prisoners than when the Myitsone decision was first announced. In fact, in a recent interview with The Voice Weekly, the regime's Burmese-language propaganda proxy, the president’s political adviser, ex-Col Ko Ko Hlaing, made it clear that halting the Myitsone Dam wasn’t a big deal for Naypyidaw because it was just a “small component” of the entire Irrawaddy dam scheme Naypyidaw is still actively pursuing.
So, modest political relaxation as opposed to meaningful democratization is a small price the regime seems prepared to pay the West in order for the Naypyidaw regime to be able to effectively fine-tune its geopolitical interests abroad and the system’s domestic safety valves.
In less than six months, whatever its façade, the military will be celebrating its Golden Jubilee as the world’s oldest dictatorship, which has outlived its world contemporaries, including the likes of Suharto, Marcos and, most recently, Colonel Gaddafi.
It would be a grave mistake for Burma’s democrats to underestimate the ruling elite’s “will to power, control and wealth” and their boundless ability to deceive their opponents and adversaries. Indeed, bypassing Naypyidaw, the real winds of change are blowing only in places like Washington, Oslo, Brussels, Jakarta, Rangoon and Jakarta, where different interests feel an urgent need to resume business as usual in the generals’ Burma.
Dr Zarni (m.zarni@lse.ac.uk) is Visiting Fellow, Department of International Development, LSE and columnist for the Irrawaddy.
Credit: Irrawaddy News
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