By Joseph K. Grieboski

The Hill

October 20, 2016

Two Rohingya men killed while in BGP police custody

The grave where Karim Ullah was buried down in Kanyin Tan Myoma East Mosque cemetery

RB News 

October 19, 2016

Maungdaw, Arakan – Internally displaced people in Kyet Yoe Pyin village tract in Northern Maungdaw Towship are facing difficulties for medical treatment, food and Shelters.

In Kyet Yoe Pyin village tract includes 5 affected hamlets, Ywa Gyi hamlet, West hamlet, Lu Tin Farang hamlet and Fawr Zar Gar Fara hamlet. The population is 4994 Males and 5016 Females for a total of 10010 people that dwelled in a total 1368 houses. 

According to locals, 803 houses from Kyet Yoe Yin village tract were burnt to ashes by the Myanmar military on October 12th and October 13th. Two third of the market was burnt down there too. All cattle, goats and chickens were loaded on trucks and taken away. 

The villagers fled from the village when the military started torching the houses and shooting people. They couldn’t take any personal belongings with them. They are now taking refuge in nearby villages. Since the time they fled, 37 women gave birth without any medical treatment and there were no medicines available. 

All the villagers are facing a lot of difficulties for food and shelter.

“The military torched our houses in the pretext of a clearance operation. They looted our properties and destroyed. They are also raiding the houses in other villages and looting gold, cash and valuable things.” a villager told RB News.

Report contributed by Rohingya Eye.

By Nazli Yuzbasioglu

Anadolu Agency

October 18, 2016

TASHKENT, Uzbekistan -- Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu called Tuesday for humanitarian aid for Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar whom he described as living in “prison-like camps”.

“Our brothers are living in extreme poverty. They cannot leave their villages,” Cavusoglu told the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC)’s Contact Group on Rohingya Muslims meeting in the Uzbekistan capital Tashkent.

“The towns as well as the camps they are living in are like open prisons. They cannot leave; no one can go inside. Humanitarian aid cannot be transported. Firstly they need humanitarian aid. We should be very sensitive to this issue,” Cavusoglu added.

Myanmar, also known as Burma, has recently seen a wave of ethnic violence which has left scores of people dead and forced thousands more to flee their homes.

Recalling his July visit to Rohingya Muslims during the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, the Turkish foreign minister said the OIC should play a pioneering role.

Pointing out the importance of drawing the international community’s attention to the issue, Cavusoglu said the authorities in Myanmar should be encouraged to take steps to resolve outstanding problems.

Turkey has sent around $13-million-worth of humanitarian aid to Myanmar since November 2012, Cavusoglu added.

The Myanmar Times

October 18, 2016

By Wa Lone and Simon Lewis 

Reuters

October 18, 2016

YANGON -- Violence in a Muslim-majority region of Myanmar is stopping aid agencies from delivering food and medicines, a United Nations official said on Tuesday, as security forces respond to deadly raids that the government says were inspired by Islamists.

Troops have been sweeping northern Rakhine state for more than a week, hunting an estimated 400 fighters who officials believe are members of the mostly stateless Rohingya Muslim community acting with the support of Islamists abroad.

The Myanmar military has declared the area an "operation zone" and has tightly controlled the flow of information since insurgents seized dozens of weapons in raids on border posts on Oct. 9 in which nine police officers were killed.

U.N. agencies "don't have access to the affected areas to assess humanitarian needs", Pierre Peron, spokesman for the U.N.'s Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, said by email.

Health clinics and nutrition programmes in northern Rakhine have been hampered by movement restrictions imposed after the attacks, he said.

"We hope that the situation will improve as soon as possible so that humanitarian organisations can restart vital programmes to assist all communities in Rakhine state," Peron said.

The spike in violence in ethnically divided Rakhine state poses a serious challenge to the six-month-old government led by Aung San Suu Kyi, who was swept to power in an election last year but has faced criticism abroad for failing to tackle rights abuses against the Rohingya and other Muslims.

ETHNIC DIVISIONS

At least 30 suspected militants and five military personnel have been killed in clashes since the Oct. 9 raids.

Nearly 120,000 people, mostly Rohingyas, were already displaced in Rakhine after an outbreak of communal violence in 2012. Local sources said the latest violence has displaced thousands more.

Ethnic Rakhine political leaders have proposed that the government arm local militias to fight what they see as a growing violent threat from the Rohingya population.

"Villagers are scared about their security because their hostile neighbours have a huge population," said Khin Maung Than, chairman of the Arakan National Party in Maungdaw Township, which has been at the centre of the violence.

He estimated around 5,000 ethnic Rakhine Buddhists have fled their homes, fearing attack by Muslim "Bengalis" - a term widely used in Myanmar but rejected by the Rohingya themselves because it implies they are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.

Rohingya leaders insist few of the 1.1 million Rohingya in Rakhine state - many of whom have lived there for generations and face discrimination and severe restrictions on their movements - believe violence is the solution to their plight.

The office of President Htin Kyaw has named a little-known group, "Aqa Mul Mujahidin", which it says has links to Islamists abroad, as responsible for the Oct. 9 attacks. 

International human rights groups have raised concerns that civilians are being caught up in a heavy-handed crackdown.

Amnesty International has been told that villagers wounded in the violence have been unable to access medical treatment, said Laura Haigh, a researcher for the group.

AFRAID TO RETURN

A senior Rohingya leader in Maungdaw, who asked not to be named because he was afraid of repercussions, told Reuters he had received reports that as many as 9,000 Rohingya have been displaced from 21 villages.

About 1,200 people, mostly ethnic Rakhine Buddhists, are sheltering in a school in northern Rakhine State's Buthidaung Township, according to the United Nations.

Many more are believed to be staying with relatives in other parts of the state and about 800 people - mostly women and children - are packed into small monasteries in the state capital of Sittwe.

Moe Thida, 31, journeyed with her four children over mountain roads and on a packed ferry to reach Sittwe after fighting came within earshot of her home.

As with several other displaced members of the mostly Buddhist Rakhine ethnicity who have fled Maungdaw, she told Reuters she was too afraid to return, although no attacks have been reported on ethnic Rakhine civilians.

"This time it's different" from previous bouts of intercommunal violence in the area, she said. "I'm afraid because the Muslims have weapons now."

Dear Mr Secretary General,

I am writing to you to express my deep concern over the fate of the Rohingya people of Myanmar. I am certain you are familiar with their extremely precarious situation, as we have seen them teetering on the edge of genocide since at least 2012. Yet what prompts me to write this letter is the latest news coming out of Myanmar just in the last few days: a series of attacks against border guard outposts killed 9 Burmese policemen just over a week ago, the Rohingya were quickly deemed responsible, and the police and army in the local state of Rakhine/Arakan have already carried out over 100 indiscriminate extra-judicial killings of dozens of Rohingya - including old men, women and children. 

The fear on the ground is that the violence may now escalate to at least the level of violence of 2012 or 2013, when dozens were killed, over 100,000 were displaced to internal camps and many more Rohingya were driven out of the country altogether, triggering the South East Asia Migration Crisis which culminated in the spring of last year. And that may be the optimistic scenario. This new upsurge of violence may ultimately prove to be the final trigger to outright genocide that the UN and many NGO observers have been dreading.

What makes the situation today the most perilous it has ever been is the fact that in this crisis the Rohingya are likely to be targeted by all parts of Burmese society. Historically, the dark-skinned, Muslim minority had been chosen as the favourite ‘enemy within’ of the succession of military regimes that governed Burma/Myanmar. Whenever these governments needed to invoke some ‘dark forces’ that undermined the success of their ‘vision’ for the country, they scape-goated the country’s Muslims, particularly the Rohingya. Whenever they needed to distract attention from other national issues, some conflict with the Rohingya would suddenly materialise. 

Yet the violence of 2012-2013 had not been initiated by the federal state. Or indeed the local state. The decades of anti-Rohingya propaganda have been absorbed by the political culture of the country, and now the biggest threat to the Rohingya is actually their ethnic Rakhine Buddhist neighbours, in their native state of Rakhine/Arakan. Civil society groups, Rakhine nationalist political parties, even prominent groups of Buddhist monks are the perpetrators of dehumanising propaganda and incitement to anti-Rohingya violence. Indeed, in the last few years, the organs of the state have either been passive or have helped calm tensions down when they flared. 

But now these attacks are driven by the law enforcement agencies of the local state. And the civil society groups that have carried out most of the attacks in the recent years are merely waiting their turn. The floodgates have not been opened just yet: but they are about to burst through. 

The only thing that can stop the spiralling levels of violence from escalating into a full blown latter-day Rwanda scenario would be the intervention of the federal government of Aung San Suu Kyi to pacify Rakhine/Arakan and impose the rule of law. But as of yet, the federal government is making no haste to intervene, and Ms Suu Kyi does not seem to be moved by the gravity of the situation.

Fortunately, the situation is not beyond all hope. Ms Suu Kyi is known to be sensitive to international opinion, and indeed much of her political capital comes from the favourable view the West has had of her as a democracy campaigner for her country. We do have leverage to lean on her to confront this issue as a matter of urgency, and if we do, we know she has the political power and capital as the first democratic leader of her country in half a century to carry through what needs to be done.

You are in a uniquely privileged position to help build the international pressure needed to move Ms Suu Kyi and her government to suppress the recent upsurge in violence before things get completely out of control. I urge you to take charge of this issue and help prevent yet another international humanitarian catastrophe. I realise that in the current news media cycle it can be difficult to get such a message through: between Trump, Brexit and Aleppo we barely have the energy to process everything else that is happening in the world today. But if we do not do something about the situation of the Rohingya as a matter of urgency, the issue will come back to haunt us as an even greater calamity - and one which we could have been able to prevent.

Should you need any help or support in this, from up-to-date information to contacts with on-the-ground sources, to contacts within the relevant UN and non-governmental agencies, I am at your service. Please do not hesitate to get back in touch.

Yours sincerely,

Dr Azeem Ibrahim

Academic, author of The Rohingyas: Inside Myanmar’s Hidden Genocide

This letter was originally published on Huffington Post.

RB News 

October 17, 2016

Maungdaw, Arakan – The shops owned by Rohingyas in middle hamlet of Kyi Gan Pyin village tract in Maungdaw Township were looted by Myanmar’s Border Guard Police and NaTaLa villagers from Aung Zeya village.

Today, October 17th, 2016 from 3:30 pm to 6 pm, the shops belonging to Rohingyas located at middle hamlet of Kyi Gan Pyin village tract were looted by Myanmar’s Border Guard Police and NaTaLa villagers from Aung Zeya village. 

Of these those shops, there is a Textiles shop, Electrical Appliances shop, Computer shop, Mini Mart, Cosmetic shop and Tea shop. The police and NaTaLa villagers broke the doors of the shops and they pretended as though they were roaming around for security while the cars of the group of the minister for Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement passed by. They resumed looting when the cars disappeared.

They loaded the goods from the shop on the truck and drove to the headquarters of Border Guard Police.

Some owners of the shops are:

(1) Shamshul Alam s/o Fayas Ahmed 

(2) Shamshul Alam s/o Sayed Ullah 

(3) Enayet Ullah s/o Molvi Abdu Rashid 

(4) Mamed Rashid s/o Zaher Ahmed

Media Statement 

Burmese regime must be brought before the International Criminal Court in respect of treatment of its Rohingya minority

Press Conference by the Centre for Human Rights Research and Advocacy (CENTHRA)

17 October 2016

As we all have no doubt heard, as of 14 October 2016, up to 26 members of the Muslim Rohingya community living in the town of Maungdaw, close to the border with Bangladesh in Rakhine state in Myanmar were murdered in apparent retaliation by the Burmese regime forces for the deaths of some nine Myanmar border police officials occurring during a dawn raid perpetrated unknown assailants the day before. According to an eyewitness, at least seven of these 26 were brutally gunned down in cold blood by Burmese forces who entered Myothugyi village, a village inhabited predominantly by Rohingya located a mile east of Maungdaw, in an apparent attempt to intimidate its residents and enforce a curfew. Another journalist who was with the security forces witnessed an additional shooting of at least another three unarmed Rohingya by the said forces in the same village.[1] These arbitrary extra-judicial killings, committed by non-other than official forces constituted for maintaining peace and order, are clearly based on non-transparent and biased investigations made without ascertaining on the ground facts. 

This latest round of violence is thought to be the worst since the attack and brutal massacre of more than 300 Rohingya Muslims in June 2012 due to sectarian violence occurring as a result of unsubstantiated claims that Rohingya were responsible for the murder of a Buddhist woman also in Rakhine State and results from the systematic oppression forced upon this minority Muslim community by a regime consisting of the majority ethnic Burmese Buddhists headed by so-called peacenik Aung San Suu Kyi, herself known to be apathetic regarding the plight of the Rohingya. As confirmed by non-other than the United Nations itself, under her supposedly “liberal democratic” administration, the 1.3 million strong Rohingya, who had been herded around like cattle under the old military-led junta, continue to have their citizenship denied, movements severely restricted, access to basic resources limited and activities closely monitored by the newly installed regime based in Naypyidaw. This, among many others, namely the overt toleration of extremist Buddhist groups preaching hatred of Muslims in Myanmar, contributes towards the now routine flare ups that occur from time to time which no human being in his or her right mind would ever countenance[2]. The systematic suffering by this poor defenceless community who have done no wrong whatsoever and do not justify any ill treatment can and must be brought to a permanent end and it is up to us, as members of the international community, to do so. 

This is especially pressing since as of today and according to MYARF, hundreds of houses belonging to Rohingya have been burnt down, at least another 92 Rohingya civilians have been killed by the Myanmar military and more than 10,000 Rohingya have been internally displaced in Maungdaw. Yet the response by international organisations so far regarding this latest spate of violence is anything but satisfactory. The Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC) has merely expressed “grave concern” and appealed for calm and called on all stakeholders to apply maximum restraint and refrain from the use of violence. The response of the EU in particular has been partial, where it merely expresses sympathy with families of the border police officials who lost their lives and pledges to stand with the Burmese regime, without expressing so much as even a feigned apprehension for the Rohingya. Meanwhile, the response of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State headed by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan and consisting of known anti-Rohingya Burmese figures such as U Win Mra and Saw Khin Tint has been nothing short of pathetic. Only a short statement “strongly deploring” the violence perpetrated and expressing condolences and sympathies to families of those killed and injured, without so much as even noting the mass executions of Rohingya, was made. 

Following its recent reforms and installation of its first civilian led, democratic government in decades, Myanmar is supposed to be a fully functioning member of the international community which is expected to treat all of its peoples, including its minorities, with dignity and accord them rights enjoyed by peoples of other nations as required by international human rights and humanitarian law. Sadly this remains elusive for the Rohingya in particular. Systematic discrimination and oppression by the Burmese state against them, as mentioned previously, continues unabated. This cannot be allowed to continue and we in CENTHRA believe that it is high time mechanisms available under International Law be engaged to pressure Myanmar to be made accountable for their treatment of Rohingya, or at least, Myanmar should be made to suffer the consequences of failing to provide for their dignity and welfare. 

In order for this to happen, it is time to move beyond mere words and statements routinely issued to condemn and chastise the Burmese state. While previously ad hoc international tribunals were set up to try regimes responsible for the perpetration of mass genocides, such as the one occurring in Rwanda in 1994, now we have the International Criminal Court or ICC, set up under the Rome Statute in 2002 as a permanent tribunal for this purpose. Under Article 5 of the Rome Statute, there are four international crimes recognised as coming within the court’s jurisdiction, namely genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and the crime of aggression. CENTHRA believes that the Myanmar regime’s actions against the Rohingya fall under at least two of these crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity.

We note that pursuant to Article 13 of the Rome Statute, the ICC is only seized of jurisdiction to try the abovementioned crimes only of one or more of three situations occur, namely the relevant parties are party to the Rome Statute, the crimes are referred by the UNSC under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, or the Prosecutor of the ICC begins an investigation of his own accord pursuant to information given to him or her. Of these options, two are open to pursue, namely, referral by the UNSC and initiation of investigations by the Prosecutor. But in order to realise this, nations across the region, particularly members of ASEAN, must cease continuing to stand idly by while the ongoing genocide against a defenceless community, namely the Rohingya, continue to be perpetrated by a fellow ASEAN member state, Myanmar. They must instead decide that enough is enough, and take action.

Even before Myanmar was accepted as a member of ASEAN, concerns had been raised, particularly by Malaysia and Indonesia, with respect to its treatment of the Rohingya community. Sadly, such concerns were simply brushed aside at the insistence of other members, such as Singapore, on the basis of the well-known non-interference principle so slavishly adhered to collectively by ASEAN member states. Yet continued adherence to this principle in the face of the senseless killings now ongoing in Rakhine state would amount to sheer disregard for higher considerations under international human rights law, such as the right to life that has been recognised by numerous human rights instruments such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Geneva Conventions and even the ASEAN Declaration on Human Rights. Furthermore, a fundamental purpose of ASEAN, as enumerated by Item 7 of Article 1 of its founding Charter, is to strengthen democracy, enhance good governance and the rule of law, and promote and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms. This cannot be realised by insisting on adherence to the principle of non-interference. As such, ASEAN member states need to collectively agree the suspension of this principle on the basis the urgent need to protect the Rohingya in particular, and immediately intervene by demanding a complete halt on the part of the Myanmar regime of any further activities undertaken by it that contribute towards the escalation of violence against the Rohingya in Rakhine state. Such an insistence must be followed up by ensuring the complete and final dismantlement of all systematic measures in place within Myanmar denying the Rohingya rights and dignities enjoyed by all other peoples of this world, such as citizenship, access to resources, freedom of movement and being free to perform lawful and beneficial undertakings such as obtaining education, marriage and the like. 

Of equal importance is also the role of the various international human rights organisations in applying pressure on the Myanmar regime by pursuing the ICC route. As the Rohingya are mainly Muslims, the OIC must go beyond a mere declaration of grave concern and its human rights organ, the IPHRC must take immediate action by forming a special committee to investigate and document the ongoing mass murders and systematic discrimination, as well as issuing its own condemnations of the same, for use as eventual evidence before the ICC. After all, one of the stated functions of the IPHRC is to advance fundamental rights of Muslim minorities and communities in other states. Yet as of now, we at CENTHRA have yet to see any action by the IPHRC with respect to the ongoing violence perpetrated against Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar.

The UNHRC, as the principal UN human rights organ, with the responsibility for strengthening the promotion and protection of human rights around the globe and for addressing situations of human rights violations and make recommendations on them, also has a role to play in this regard by issuing a resolution urging the UNSC to take action, as a preliminary step towards securing the eventual UNSC resolution referring Myanmar’s actions to the ICC. Member states of the UN that are in the UNHRC therefore, should also undertake its own immediate investigations into the systematic rights abuses ongoing with respect to Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar.

We at CENTHRA fervently believe that with the undertaking of the abovementioned actions by all responsible stakeholders, namely immediate intervention by ASEAN as well as international human rights bodies such as the IPHRC and UNHRC, as well as immediate action by the UNSC to stop systematic discrimination, oppression, mass extra judicial killings, displacements and restrictions perpetrated against the Rohingya by the international pariah state that is Myanmar, and strong condemnation and denunciation of its leader Aung San Suu Kyi for failing to take appropriate action, by going beyond mere condemnations and doing no less then referring this matter before the ICC so that those of the regime responsible for the violence can be punished for their crimes, will result in the common cause of all decent, civilised humanity to secure a just and everlasting outcome in favour of the affirmation of rights and dignity of the Rohingya to a peaceful coexistence as equals with their other brethren in Myanmar. Let us hope and pray that this can be realised within our lifetimes and let us undertake due initiatives towards securing that outcome.

*Media Statement by Azril Mohd Amin, Lawyer and Chief Executive, Centre for Human Rights Research and Advocacy (CENTHRA), Putrajaya, 17 October 2016.

[1] Wai Moe, Dozens Believed Killed as Violence Erupts in Myanmar, New York Times, 10 October 2016. Retrieved on 15 October 2016 from http://www.nytimes.com/2016/10/11/world/asia/myanmar-attack-rakhine.html?_r=0

[2] Jane Perlez, Rise in Bigotry Fuels Massacre Inside Myanmar, New York Times, 1 March 2014. Retrieved on 15 October 2016 from http://www.nytimes.com/2014/03/02/world/asia/rise-in-bigotry-fuels-massacre-inside-myanmar.html

By Queen Mary University of London

October 17, 2016

The International State Crime Initiative (ISCI) at Queen Mary University of London has warned that reports of attacks against Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar may signal a new phase in what ISCI researchers say is genocide.

The alleged reprisals against the Rohingya minority come after attacks on three Myanmar police posts in Northern Rakhine State, near the Myanmar-Bangladesh border on 9 October.

ISCI researchers say that credible reports are emerging of extra-judicial killings, arbitrary arrests, and raids on Rohingya homes by Myanmar security forces. They caution that verifiable information is difficult to obtain, due to the notorious isolation and militarisation of Northern Rakhine State - and the intense persecution of those deemed critical of the government.

Penny Green, Professor of Law at Queen Mary University of London and Director of ISCI said Northern Rakhine state is “in effect an information black hole, and in situations where allegations of human rights violations are difficult or impossible to independently verify - because of state restrictive practices - the onus must be on the state to investigate or disprove those allegations”.

ISCI researchers have firsthand knowledge of the area following several months of research and fieldwork in Rakhine State during 2014 and 2015.

“We sounded the alarm in 2015 that what we saw amounted to the early stages of a genocidal process. Local sources now report a ramped up security and military presence, additional restrictions on freedom of movement, and a further limiting of access to food and healthcare. We are concerned that these latest developments may represent a new chapter in the persecution of the Rohingya, and a potentially more deadly phase of genocide. The fact that it’s practically impossible to verify or confirm any of these reports underlines the intensity of Rakhine state’s isolation from international view,” said Professor Green.

In 2015 ISCI researchers completed a 12-month investigation [PDF] into the treatment of the Rohingya. Their research included four months of fieldwork carried out in Myanmar between October 2014 and March 2015. The results found compelling evidence of State-led policies, laws and strategies of genocidal persecution stretching back over 30 years. ISCI’s research, conducted within a state crime framework, conceptualises genocide as a process, building over a period of years, and involving an escalation in the dehumanisation and persecution of the target group.

Professor Green said: “The process begins by reducing the target group’s strength and undermining moral empathy for the victims, before leading to more violent forms of harassment and eventually mass killings and annihilation”.

She added: “The state has historically adopted strategies of ‘othering’ the Rohingya, stigmatising them as ‘illegal Bengali’ and ‘terrorists’. The Rohingya have been, isolated from mainstream society, by being forced into squalid IDP camps and prevented from leaving their villages; harassed though disenfranchisement and violent intimidation; and systematically weakened through physical and psychological destruction, overcrowding, malnutrition, lack of health care, torture, sporadic killings, humiliation, and abuse. It is important to point out that, despite suffering from decades of severe persecution, there is no evidence of Rohingya led extremism.”

According to ISCI researchers, genocide is often characterised by violent harassment from security forces in times of crisis, including sporadic attacks against the stigmatised group. Myanmar has a history of using breakdowns in law and order to justify repressive policies.

ISCI says that the Myanmar government consistently denies international journalists and human rights organisations access to Northern Rakhine. ISCI researchers were denied access the north of the state in 2015. ISCI cautions that, given the lack of verifiable information available during this time of uncertainty, accusations surrounding the responsibility for attacks must be restrained.

Professor Green said: “In a society where Islamaphobic ideology is prevalent and spread by nationalist Buddhist monks, allegations emerging on social media and within local news outlets accusing the Rohingya of supporting violent Islamic extremist ideology are dangerously divisive.”

Professor Green said that emerging evidence of indiscriminate violence by security forces and forced displacement suggests that a brutal crackdown, similar to those that have occurred in the past, is taking place. If so, she warns this would mark a “disturbing yet entirely predictable escalation in the genocidal process”.

14th October 2016

London, United Kingdom

The Burma Human Rights Network is closely monitoring the recent events in Northern Rakhine State with great concern following reports of extra-judicial assassinations, arson, indiscriminate killings and mass arrests by Myanmar’s security forces following an attack on three police posts on the Myanmar-Bangladesh Border by unknown assailants.

“The Rohingya population in Rakhine State is already living under severe persecution and facing all sorts of human misery, such as facing food ration cuts and restrictions on movement which in this current offensive by the Burmese military makes it so they are unable to flee by boat. There is no justification for violence and insurgency but it is vital that the Burmese government stops these apartheid policies towards the Rohingya population in Burma in order to ensure peace and coexistence. There is an obvious risk that indiscriminate targeting of civilians can easily further escalate the situation rather than restore calm,” said Kyaw Win of BHRN.

On the 9th of October 2016 a group of unidentified armed men stormed three police posts on the Myanmar-Bangladesh border, near the city of Maungdaw, in Myanmar’s Rakhine State. In the attack nine police were killed and the assailants looted the posts of guns and ammunition. Initial reports suggest the attackers were ethnic Rohingya, and used overwhelming numbers to completely overrun the posts. The Burmese Military (Tatmadaw) responded by sending reinforcements to the area. A severe crackdown appears to have followed, drawing large concern for local civilians as witnesses describe indiscriminate killings and sweeping arrests by security forces.

The exact details of the attack on the border posts remain vague and accounts are conflicting. The identity of the attackers are still uncertain, but many in the government and media initially speculated that the Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO), a defunct Rohingya militia that was active in the 1980’s and 90’s before they were disarmed by the Bangladeshi Government, was responsible for the attack. This speculation was furthered by the emergence of at least five videos showing several young men speaking Rohingya language and armed with military style rifles and pistols calling for other Muslims and Rohingyas to join them fighting for their freedom. The group identifies themselves in Arabic language in one video as al Yakeen (The Faith). The group did not claim any affiliation to any other militant or political organization. The unverified videos were quickly shared in Burma, including by the former Information Minister, Ye Htut. As a result rumours and speculation have increased significantly, worsening already high tensions

The President’s office has also released an official statement detailing information obtained through interrogation of apprehended suspects, as well as apparent intelligence sources. The Statement describes a well organized armed group called Aqa Mul Mujahadeen, whom they say were funded by middle eastern sources and connected to proscribed terrorist groups. The President’s account states that the leader of the group was trained by the Pakistani Taliban, and ran training camps for the Rohingya involved in the attack. The name Aqaamul Mujahideen means literally “The Ones Standing as Mujahiddeen” and can be taken as a generic name for any Muslims involved in combat. If the group in the videos is in fact behind the attacks it should be noted that they have not used this name to describe themselves, which should draw question about the statements from the President’s office. If the men in the video are assumed to be responsible it should also be noted that they depict only a few dozen adult men with assault rifles and that the vast majority seen in the videos are children armed with swords, sticks and farming tools. This again draws questions into any accounts describing the group as well organized, well funded or well trained.

The BHRN is very concerned about the possible use of child soldiers in the attacks against the Border Guard Police and condemns the practice vehemently.

The spreading of questionable and unsupported stories regarding the RSO and other militant groups is not new to Myanmar. Major Zaw Htay, of the former President’s office, published similar rumors in 2012 from his Facebook account stating that “Bengalis” from Bangladesh were invading Myanmar. His comments triggered and worsened anti-Muslim sentiment across Myanmar at that time as well.

Following the government statements, ultra-nationalist and extremist Buddhist groups have been monitored spreading hysteria from social media. In one worrying case a monk named Ashin Vicara posted news of Authorities in Irrawaddy discovering Muslims with weapons and warned “Burmese people” to take extra care. The story he posted, however, was from the Burmese 7Day Journal and was in regards to a man believed to be connected to the armed conflict in Karen State who was found by police with drugs and a sniper rifle in his possession. Ashin Vicara’s post was shared over 6,000 times and received nearly 3,000 “likes”. In a time of incredible tension, disinformation must be avoided, as it has led to increases in violence in the past. The BHRN is concerned that many statements from government officials released without verification will fuel rumors and that the targeting of Muslims by vigilante groups may increase as has occurred previously.

In the days following the attacks security forces officially claimed to have killed several militants, but witnesses have said the operations to catch the attackers have been indiscriminate in many cases. Some witnesses described non-combatants being shot at close range execution style. Accounts of shallow graves being discovered have also emerged with unverified photos. These accounts also depict victims apparently killed with injuries resulting from close range shootings, in some cases directly in the head and face.

Security forces were also met with resistance in some instances. On Tuesday, 11th October, it was reported that four Myanmar soldiers were killed while fighting armed men in Maungdaw. It is feared that some of the militants may be hiding among the civilian population, which can only lead to higher casualties of noncombatants.

As security sweeps continue, villages have lost several homes to apparent arson attacks. Statements from security forces place the blame on Rohingya militants, but several witnesses dispute this and implicate security forces. There are several accounts of families now having to flee after their homes were burnt down. Some of these families have said their homes and businesses were looted as well. One witness described homes burnt intentionally by security forces while civilians, including children and elderly, were still inside. These events have the potential to dramatically increase the number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Rakhine State, where over 100,000 IDPs already live and Non Governmental Agencies (Humanitarian Agencies) are struggling to support them.

BHRN is also concerned by investors and officials who may take advantage of the conflict and displacement to further interests in the township at the expense of residents who are already suffering and vulnerable. Maungdaw has been the site of controversial efforts by Chinese investors to explore and mine sand deposits rich in titanium and aluminium and is of significant importance to the Myanmar Government and foreign powers. The Wunlatt Foundation, a local civil society group, said it was concerned about the efforts’ impacts on the 30 Buddhist and Muslim villages located on the coast near proposed mining sites. Criticism of the development in townships where many were displaced during the 2012 riots have been deflected by Rakhine State authorities who argued that the projects will be good for the local economy. The Chinese backed Shwe Shapweye Company is leading the projects. The Government has dismissed previous calls for transparency on this matter.

The BHRN is calling on the Myanmar Army and Police to ensure the safety and protection of civilians and avoid extra-judicial executions. Security forces must also refrain from any form of collective punishment against Rohingya residents of Maungdaw. We call on security forces to respect the principles of proportionality and distinction with regard to the use of force in counter-insurgency operations in accordance with International Humanitarian Law. In restoring law and order, International Law and human rights must be kept as a priority to ensure that this restoration is meaningful, just and avoids worsening tensions in an already fragmented and volatile region.

Notes for Editors

Violence in Rakhine State:

In June and October of 2012 several anti-Muslim riots broke out in the state, initially triggered by the rape and murder of a Buddhist Rakhine woman named Ma Thida Htwe. She was believed to have been raped and killed by a group of Rohingya Muslims. Ten Muslims were killed shortly after when a bus they were on was attacked by a mob, who mistook them for the accused murderers. The attack sparked a mass movement and protest by Rohingya Muslims in the northern part of the state in the townships of Maungdaw and Buthidaung where Muslims are the majority of the population. During the unrest security forces accused Muslims of burning down their own villages as well as attacking ethnic Rakhine. Anti-Muslim riots spread through the state afterwards. Muslim areas within many towns were razed to the ground in arson attacks. After the riots there were estimated to be over 140,000 people displaced from their homes. The vast majority of them were Muslims. Official numbers put the total number of deaths slightly below 100 people, but these numbers have been disputed by some as being low.

Rohingya in Rakhine State:

The Rohingya have been largely excluded as an accepted ethnic group in Myanmar. They were formally rejected by law in 1982 when citizenship laws were drafted specifically targeting the minority as not indigenous and disqualified from citizenship and its benefits. They are viewed as different both ethnically and religiously and as a result are typically referred to as “Bengali” by most Burmese people and media. The Rohingya have faced severe limitations on even the most basic rights and freedoms; including movement, marriage, education, property ownership and the number of children they can have. The Rohingya have limited avenues for legal grievances and are extremely vulnerable as a result. The Rohingya have fled the country in large numbers periodically, most notably to Bangladesh where nearly 200,000 are estimated to be living in registered and unregistered camps as refugees. 

Background on the Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN)

Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN) works for human rights, minority rights and religious freedom in Burma. BHRN has played a crucial role advocating for human rights and religious freedom with politicians and world leaders.

Media Enquiries

Members of The Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN) are available for comment and interview. Images also available on request.

Please contact:

Kyaw Win

Executive Director of the Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN)

E: kyawwin78@gmail.com T: +44(0) 740 345 2378

Invitation to participate demonstration in Brussels, Belgium

Date: 16-10-2016

Dear Friends,

Since 9th October Myanmar military and police forces have been indiscriminately killing the Rohingyas and torching their homes and villages. At least 150 Rohingyas, including old men, women and children, and 4 Rohingya villages were burned down in Maungdaw Township producing, as of today, more than 10000 internally displaced people causing a humanitarian disaster. Due to curfew order and blockade, there is an acute shortage of food, medicine, and other essentials. The situation is exponentially worsening. It is a violation of international law and Geneva Convention.

We, European Rohingya Network holding a demonstration in front of European Commission and European Parliament in Brussels as per program below on Thursday 20th of October 2016 to stop extrajudicial killing of Rohingyas in Northern Arakan. We would like to invite you to join with us and raise your voice to protect Rohingya lives in Arakan. Thank you so much.

Zakaria Abdul Rahim 

On behalf of European Rohingya Network [ERN] 

Date: 20/10/2016 Time: 12:00-13:00 pm 

European Commission 

Wetstraat 200

B-1049 Brussels

Date: 20/10/2016 Time: 14:30 – 15:30

European Parliament 

Rue Wiertz 60

1047 Bruxelles 

For information please contact with 

Sazaat Ahammed : +31 6 1503 3663

Ahamed Jarmal : +44 7 89 42 53 729 

Zakaria Abdul Rahim : +45 22 55 68 97

RB News 

October 16, 2016 

Huts are burning (Photo: RB News)

A House in Wabaik burning