Hussain (not his real name), 50, lives in Bogri Chang village-tract, Buthidaung, in Arakan State, western Burma. He and other Rohingya have been facing difficulty growing paddy and other essential crops because of confiscation of their lands by Burmese authorities.

Hussain recently told Kaladan News that his lands were confiscated by Military Battalion No. 552 of Thanganet, under Taung Bazar area, Buthidaung Township, in June 2011.

“Seven out of our 32 acres of farmland were seized from me and my family by the personnel of Battalion No. 552.”

“After seizing the land, the military planted rubber saplings on our land without giving any compensation to us, even though there is plenty of wild land suitable for turning into rubber plantations.”

“I have eleven family members, including three sons and six daughters. My eldest son has just completed matriculation from Taung Bazar High School. However, I can’t afford to send my son for higher studies at Akyab (Sittwe) University because of our family’s financial situation.”

Hussain is a teacher at a local Islamic religious school (Madrasa), and he receives only 10,000 Kyat support from the Madrasa per month, which is not enough to sustain his family. The Madrasa is administered by local villagers, and there is little prospect that they will be able to increase the amount of support, he said.

“The authorities impose various kinds of restrictions on the Arakanese Rohingya, including restriction of movement. If anyone wants to go from one place to another, he/she needs to apply for a travel pass from the local Nasaka authority.”

Like Hussain, many Rohingya’s lands have been confiscated and handed over to make homes for Natala settlers, ‘model villagers’ who are encouraged to settle in northern Arakan State from other areas in Burma. The authorities also build Buddhist pagodas on the confiscated lands.

In the winter months, Rohingya farmers traditionally cultivate betel leaves on their lands in Bogri Chang village, but the captain of Military Battalion No. 552 has begun extorting Kyat 40,000 to 50,000 per acre from local farmers, said another villager on condition of anonymity.

If any farmer is unable to pay money to the captain, his betel farm will be destroyed by the army, the villager said.

Some of the betel farm owners who have lost their farmlands include Abu Sayed (50), Mohamed Siddik (53), and Hussain Ahamed (33). Their betel fields were destroyed during the third week of October 2011 because they were unable to pay money to the military officer. They all belong to the said village.

“Now, they are facing many difficulties to support their family members, as they have no alternative earning sources.”

“Besides, the streams or brooks where water comes out from mountain walls are also controlled by Army Battalion No. 552. During winter, some Rohingya farmers want to grow extra paddy, but they have no lands to cultivate because so much land near the mountain areas has been confiscated by the army. The military earns money by leasing these lands back to Rohingya farmers for Kyat 15,000 per acre.

Another Rohingya villager in Bogri Change named Nurul Haque (55) was the owner of seven acres of farmland, but all of his land was confiscated by the military in 2010. Currently, he is landless and very poor. He and his older children struggle to find ways to support the eight-member family, said a local elder who declined to be named.

“Just a few months ago, Nurul Haque’s eldest son went to a nearby mountain to collect firewood, but on his way home he was halted by military personnel who seized all of his firewood. So, his son could not sell it, and therefore had no money to purchase food, so all the family members starved that night.”

“Like Nurul Haque’s family members, many Rohingya people are starving because of the army.”

Rohingya minority people do not have citizenship status in Arakan State. They often lack access to basic public services, including health, sanitation, and education, sources said.

Between 1991 and 1992, over 250,000 Rohingya refugees arrived in neighboring Bangladesh because of religious and political persecutions, and other human rights abuses in their homeland, such as forced labor, restrictions on movement, marriage, and education, as well as land confiscation, arbitrary arrest, and extortion.

“We Rohingya hoped to get some concessions from Burmese authorities after the 2010 elections, including freedom of movement, access to medical facilities, education facilities, and the equal rights enjoyed by other ethnic groups,” a former Rohingya politician said in a recent interview.

The politician said that he is concerned about the future of the Rohingya in Arakan State as many forms of harassment and human rights abuses continue unabated more than one year after President Thein Sein’s nominally civilian-led government took office.

credit here

By Vishal Arora

Attacks on Christians in Burma continued into the Christmas season in Kachin state as Burmese Army troops killed a civilian and destroyed church property despite President Thein Sein’s order to stop the war against insurgents.

A Baptist church in Loije, Bhamo district, held a funeral on Dec. 27 for 47-year-old Maran Zau Ja, who was shot dead without provocation by Burmese Army ’s Light Infantry Battalion No. 321 on Christmas Day, a Kachin source told Compass by phone.

Zau Ja was a farmer who was returning from his sugarcane field with a friend when troops sprayed bullets at them. His friend survived the gunshots.

The two were not armed insurgents of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the armed wing of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) that has fought for autonomy in the Christian-majority state since the early 1960s, when then-Burmese Prime Minister U Nu made Buddhism the state religion.

About 90 percent of the roughly 56 million people in Burma, also known as Myanmar, are Buddhist, mostly from the Burman ethnic group. Burmese soldiers see “all Kachin civilians as the enemy,” the Kachin News Group recently quoted a Kachin village elder as saying.

On Dec. 16, troops of Light Infantry Battalion No. 142 burned a building housing the kitchen of a Baptist church in Dingga village, also in Bhamo district, the source added. KIA men and local villagers managed to save the church building, but the fire engulfed five homes.

Earlier, on Nov. 30, Burmese soldiers killed a woman and injured six villagers as they fired mortar shells targeting civilians in Tarlawgyi area in Waingmaw Township, while another battalion burned down 10 homes in Nam Wai village and five more in neighboring Hpa Ke village.

On Oct. 16, about 150 soldiers from Light Infantry Battalion 438 stormed Nam San Yang village in the Daw Phung Yang area of Bhamo district and opened fire at members of a Catholic church before the weekly mass. While no one was hurt, the priest and some parishioners were detained.

Thailand-based activist Shirley Seng of the Kachin Women’s Association told Compass that civilians have been living in fear since military action hit Kachin state last June, and that her research team found that women and children were most affected by the war. At least 37 women and girls were raped during the first two months of the conflict, she said – 13 of them killed.

She added that other girls and women continue to be abducted.

“They just disappear after being abducted,” Seng said. “Perhaps they are first sexually abused and then killed or sold to brothels.”

President’s Sham Order

The KIO controls most of Kachin state and runs schools and hospitals and the public distribution system. The Burmese government or Army has little control outside the state capital of Myitkyina. Since June 2011, however, when the Army ended a 17-year-long ceasefire with the KIO, government troops were heavily deployed in KIO-controlled areas leading to clashes.

More than 90 clashes have occurred between the Army and the armed insurgents since President Sein, a former junta general, reportedly instructed the military on Dec. 10 to start no fighting with the KIA.

The president’s order was apparently a mere show, the Kachin source said, adding that deployment of Army personnel and attacks on civilians were on the rise and helicopters were bringing in ammunition and reinforcements.

“The government made peace with [formerly detained opposition leader] Aung San Suu Kyi and has set a few political prisoners free to gain concessions from the international community on its brutal military offensive against ethnic minority states, primarily in Kachin,” the source said.

After the general election in 2011, believed to be rigged and the first in two decades of junta rule, the military’s proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party came to power and has been trying to showcase reforms in an attempt to end economic sanctions and gain legitimacy.

Little has changed, however, for Burma’s ethnic minorities.

Internally Displaced People

According to local estimates, the military conflict has displaced about 45,000 people.

“It’s a major threat to thousands of displaced civilians who are caught between the warring parties,” Lynn Yoshikawa, an advocate from the Washington, D.C.-based Refugees International, told Compass by email. “The Burma Army does not distinguish between combatants and civilians, leading to severe human rights abuses. There is not enough assistance, and with winter setting in, displaced people lack enough warm clothes and are more vulnerable to diseases.”

Yoshikawa urged the international community “to put pressure on the military to follow the president’s orders to halt attacks against the KIO and make sure that the UN’s access to areas outside government control is sustained and expanded to meet the growing needs.” International donors should fund the humanitarian response, she added, or else the United Nations World Food Program’s food stocks will run out in February.

In addition to Kachin, six other ethnic minority states – including Christian-majority Chin state and Karen state, which has a substantial presence of Christians – have had armed and unarmed groups fighting for autonomy from the successive military-led regimes for decades.

While Kachin is the current target of the Burma Army , it is feared that other states are also likely to face war in the near future. Ethnic minority areas along Burma’s borders with India, Thailand and China are resource-rich and have strategic importance for the Union government. Burma’s neighbors have invested, and intend to accelerate investment, in power generation and other projects in and around the ethnic minority region.

The ethnic minority states were administered separately during British rule. Some ethnic leaders agreed to incorporate their states into Burma after the Panglong Agreement was signed in 1947 providing for full autonomy, a share of the national wealth and the right to secession to ethnic states. But Gen. Aung San, democracy activist Suu Kyi’s father who was then heading the interim government and led the signing of the agreement, was assassinated months later. Subsequent regimes refused to honor the agreement and forcibly made ethnic states a part of the new country.

The federal government is carrying on with the military offensive on the one hand, and holding “peace talks” with armed ethnic minority resistance groups on the other, the Kachin source said. Minorities are still praying and hoping for peace in the near future, he added.

credit here

Foreign Secretary William Hague writes about his historic visit to Burma on 5-6 January.

British Foreign Secretary William Hague
 

The Foreign Secretary has concluded his visit to Burma, the first for a UK Foreign Secretary in over 50 years.

He writes about this historic occasion:

"I have been a Member of Parliament for 23 years. For the vast majority of that time, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was prisoner in her own home; confined, guarded and separated from her family and the outside world. Throughout my whole political career she has been a potent symbol of hope and dignity in the face of injustice and oppression, a heroine to me and to countless other people around the world.

In 2010 she was finally freed, amid signs that the situation in Burma was at last changing for the better. Since then some political prisoners have been released, restrictions on the media and political parties have been eased and by-elections will be held in April this year. Aung San Suu Kyi herself has made the courageous decision to engage in political dialogue with a Government descended from the military regime that put her under arrest, and her party will run in the by-elections.

On Thursday I arrived in Burma. Until that point, no British Foreign Secretary had set foot in the country in over 50 years, for good reason.

My visit was made possible by the changes now underway which - although it is only right to view them with caution at this early stage - offer the chance, if they are continued and entrenched, for Burma and her people to escape the tragedy of recent decades.

I went to meet the Government and opposition figures to gauge for myself what is happening on the ground and to encourage further reform. I met the President, Speaker of the Lower House and Foreign Minister, as well as leaders of ethnic groups, former political prisoners, and Aung San Suu Kyi and her Party, the National League for Democracy.

We still have very serious concerns about the human rights situation in Burma. Hundreds of men and women still remain in jail there for their beliefs and must be released. Minorities like the Rohingya in many cases lack basic civil and political rights. The country’s border regions are scarred by conflict and suffering, particularly in Kachin state, where fighting has displaced tens of thousands of people in recent months. The UN urgently needs to be allowed to deliver humanitarian assistance there, the fighting must stop and the Government needs to begin meaningful political dialogue with ethnic armed groups. And the by-elections in April must be open, credible and fair. I raised these issues with the Burmese leaders I met.

But it is right that we react in good faith to the changes that are taking place.

My message to the Government was that we will respond to measures they take to open up the country.

If real and lasting reform continues, we are ready to offer a new relationship based on friendship and prosperity.

This is the approach that Aung San Suu Kyi herself favours, and which we discussed at length. She believes the President's commitment to reform is sincere and has embarked with him on a dialogue to bring about change. Her commitment to her people is beyond question, and I believe it is right to back her judgement.

Britain is the biggest bilateral aid donor to Burma. During the visit I announced funding for microfinance initiatives to help up to 55,000 more people, and additional support in food, nutrition, shelter, water and sanitation to 13,000 people displaced by conflict in Kachin State, as a sign of our commitment to the people of Burma.

The hours I spent with Aung San Suu Kyi at her home, where she spent some of her most difficult years, and at the British Embassy in Rangoon were memorable and inspiring. I gave her a letter from Prime Minister David Cameron, a copy of my biography of William Wilberforce and a photograph taken in London of her father, Burma’s independence leader, who was later tragically assassinated.

We spoke about her hopes for the future of country. I was struck by her self-discipline and profound sense of duty. As she put it to me, the key to Burma's future lay in two words: hard work. She had a clear message for the people of Britain: the people of Burma valued our friendship and knew they could count on our continued support. Burma’s struggle for freedom and democracy has been long and it still continues. Its people have suffered grievously. In Aung San Suu Kyi's own words: “The quest for democracy in Burma is the struggle of a people to live whole, meaningful lives as free and equal members of the world community”. Today, if these reforms continue, the people of Burma and its friends overseas can finally dare to hope that her vision may become a reality. Burma is a beautiful country with a remarkable people and enormous economic and social potential. Our Government will use Britain’s diplomatic support and development assistance in every way we can to help bring this about."

Credit here 

There are at least 1,572 political prisoners believed to be behind bars in Burma. There is an ongoing secondary verification process to confirm the location of these individuals. So far, AAPP can confirm the prisons 918 political prisoners are being held in and is in the process of verifying more. Please refer to AAPP’s press release from 23 December, available at aappb.org, for more information on the verification process.

Trends

December has seen the U Thein Sein regime continue to court the West with a high profile meeting with US secretary of State, Hillary Clinton. Although promises were made by the regime that political prisoners would be released, there are still at least 1,572 people imprisoned for their political beliefs who are believed to still be in prison. The conditions that these prisoners endure remain appalling and people in opposition to the regime are still being tried and sentenced under the deeply flawed Burmese judicial system. Of high concern is the situation in ethnic regions such as Kachin State where the Burmese military continues to rape women, burn villages, force people into labor as porters, and many people are reported as disappeared. The case of Mahn Nyein Maung, a Karen leader now facing charges under the Unlawful Association Act after an enforced disappearance, typifies the lack of tolerance the regime has for politically active ethnic people.

By LALIT K JHA 

Credit here 

I was contemplating, whether the Burmese regime would be able to deceive the West after tricking its own People? Lamentably I could not find the answer as it seems now. I simply could not comprehend of why the foreign dignitaries believed what their advisers and analysts say when they did not have any idea of what the psyche and rationale of the Burmese generals and its army, not to mention the generals’ thinking. It is rather bewildering to witness influential businessmen and foreign political leaders of the Western World lining up to give a courtesy call to the Burmese regime .After the visit of Hillary Rodham Clinton, Thailand’s Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, Indonesia Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa (Chairperson of ASEAN), Japan Foreign Minister Koichiro Gemba came. Now the British Foreign Secretary William Hague, have visited the country to be followed by the Danish Delegation and the French Foreign Minister Alain Juppé. Earlier, Norwegian Minister for Environment and International Development, Mr Erik Solheim, had come and all seems to fall into the Burmese Generals’ trap even though Daw Aung San Suu Kyi had warned that there is nothing to be excited about it. 

It seems that the visit of Hillary Clinton is interpreted by the Western leaders as a green light to begin to lift sanctions and provide development assistance as men by nature is an economic animal. But promoting the commercial interests too much, too soon, rough riding shot over human rights and democracy is not advisable. The West should not be carried away by some cosmetic reforms and that Burma’s long-ruling military still wields enormous power despite a veneer of democracy provided by the sham elections with a dubious constitution. It would be irrational and irresponsible for the international community to consider lifting the current sanctions and allowing foreign investments return to Burma; doing so will only enrich the top tiers of the military regime and their business associates while enslaving millions of people under their oppression. This will surely lead to regional instability. Great care must be taken that these visits did not lead to a big kind of commercial deal. 

I recollected of how the people used to laugh at me when I make a presentations in Europe and America some three decades ago that Burma was unique and the Generals are very cunning, cruel and tricky. The international community construed that Burma, is just like any other Third World Dictatorial Countries that is soon bound to change. That was sometime in the late 70s or early 80s when the winds of change came howling through Asia and dictators like Philippines’ Ferdinand Marcos, Indonesia’s Suharto, Pakistan’s Ayub Khan, Thailand’s Thanom Kittikachorn were making their exist and the world predicted that Burma’s Ne Win would soon follow. But prove to be wrong. Now the Arab spring came smiling and the self appointed international Burma experts, political pundits, international think tanks like ICG with an economic eye are predicting that the Burmese spring is imminent, after a long winter and predicted that soon these sordid generals would soon be history. I am afraid that they will be proven wrong again. 

Of course, not every Burman/Myanmar is bad but every Burmese administration is bad and this has been authentically proven by ancient and contemporary histories of Burma. The act of deceiving or concealment or distortion of the truth with the main purpose of misleading, duplicity or fraud and cheating seems to be the standard of all the Burmese military administrations. Synonyms like deceiving, trickery, deception, craftiness, crookedness, cunning, dishonesty dissembling, dissimulation, double dealing dupery duplicity, fakery, foxiness fraud, guile wiliness all seems to fit Thein Sein’s pseudo-civilian government. 

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi herself has revealed that Tatmadaw, wield immense power. As things slowly revealed, Than Shwe used his National Defence Security Council (NDSC) where his proxy the Vice President and the Army Chief plays key roles in blocking the release of leading dissidents serving long sentences. In shot he is using the Tatmadaw against Democracy, Development and the Union of the country. Its sole purpose is to be in power in perpetuity. Than Shwe and his military colleagues who are the real power behind was able to trick the international community by making some cosmetic changes when it release just a mere one tenth of the 2,500 political prisoners while celebrating its independence day by launching an all out war using air force and chemicals weapons against the ethnic Kachin in their course of ethnic cleansing policy is a clear indication of their real intention/. 

What more prove is wanted when influential businessmen like the fugitive former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, met with the Junta supremo Than Shwe under the pretext a preparatory trip Yingluck Shinawatra’s visit to Burma. Being one of the architects of ASEAN’s Constructive Engagement Policy knew exactly who the pivotal figure behind the scenes is. His not so secret meeting with Than Shwe proves not only the “hush hush” dealing but expose the lingering presence of Than Shwe even on the diplomatic scene. That is why Daw Aung San Suu Kyi herself said that that Tatmadaw could block the reforms “I am concerned about how much support there is in the military for change, how far the military are prepared to cooperate with reform principles.” Even though there was a momentum for change one should not be prematurely over optimistic and relax for the Tatmadaw can change everything as she has indicated. 

However, I was aghast when George Soros, billionaire American philanthropist, whose foundation supports grantees that provide uncensored news on Burma and activists, visited Burma. Speaking with him earlier at the Copenhagen Conference my impression that he was well advised by his Burmese advisers, the Burma Project has proven wrong again 

The world must realize that as long as the Tatmadaw is strong and control by Than Shwe and a group of Myanmar Chauvinists generals, whose greed and obsession of lording over the entire country under different pretext, there will be no peace or genuine democracy not to mention the Union of Burma with ethnic equality. In turn it became a regional and later the world problem if the nuclear program is not constraint. The natural resources like of natural gas, gems, and timber are too much attraction for these men in uniforms. Releasing a small fraction of the prisoners of conscience and tricking a few ethnic war lords to sign peace deal will not augur well in the long run 

One of the most important aspects of the military regime is that it believes that universities education are the birth place of dissent against autocratic rule and want to kill progressive ideas. Hence since 7th July 1962, the Burmese generals have sought to subvert education in Burma to remain in power at any cost. They kill most of the universities students whenever there were a crisis, often close them and send them to remote places and at the same time indirectly encourage them in consumption of recreational drugs on campus just to veer students away from opposition politics. It had bonded the rights to education as a hostage to be always held in captivity and then they can control the country. 

But the children of the Generals and those rich enough enjoy uninterrupted and quality education. At the same time Tatmadaw has established its identity as über-nationalist, superior institution solely capable to safeguard them, the new officers are expected to become knowledgeable in economic and other matters to be able to fulfill their extended political and military tasks in building a strong military force and a wealthy and technologically developed army. While the national education system suffers chronically from lack of funds they want their children to go to the West and studies and here come in the Western sanctions that prevented them from doing so. 

One of the pretext if not the raison d’être in ending the Western Sanctions is to counter an increasingly heavy Chinese influence on the country as in April the European leaders will decide whether to continue the current sanctions or not. But the hidden agenda is that the old generals are desirous to transfer their ill gotten money to their near and dear ones in trustworthy Swiss and other Western Banks as China could not be trusted and this is the real reason of why they crave so much for Western Sanctions to be lifted. The young and the new powerful group of military men and their families are still eager to follow the old generals and earn huge personal wealth from international trade and the rapid development of what is one of the poorest countries in the world. 

The release of all political prisoners is just one of the steps in the country's reforms, and since it fell short of expectations the United States, the European Union and other nations should seriously considered lifting the sanctions and we are hearten when State Department spokeswoman Victoria Nuland told a news briefing. “Even one political prisoner too many, We continue to call for the release of all political prisoners, a halt to hostilities in ethnic areas, and an inclusive dialogue with ethnic minorities toward national reconciliation, space for all political parties to freely compete in April 1 by-elections, and full implementation of legislation to protect universal freedoms of expression, assembly and association,” 

If this is the case then William Hague should rather invite these Burmese Generals to The Hague in Netherlands to the International Criminal Court for their crimes against humanity instead of relaxing the punitive actions. 

ျမန္မာအေပၚ ဒဏ္ခတ္ ပိတ္ဆို႔မႈအခ်ိဳ႕ ၾသစေၾတးလ် ေလွ်ာ့ေပး

VOA — ၾသစေၾတးလ်ႏုိင္ငံက ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအေပၚခ်ထားတဲ့ ဒဏ္ခတ္ပိတ္ဆို႔မႈတခ်ိဳ႕ကို ေလွ်ာ့ေပးလိုက္ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာ အတိုက္အခံေတြနဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္တာေတြ စၿပီးေတာ့ ျဖစ္လာတဲ့အတြက္ ေငြေရးေၾကးေရးနဲ႔ ခရီးသြားလာခြင့္ ပိတ္ဆို႔ ဟန္႔တားမႈကို ေလွ်ာ့ေပးလိုက္တာလို႔ၾသစေၾတးလ် ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး ၀န္ႀကီးဌာနက ထုတ္ျပန္တဲ့ ေၾကညာခ်က္ထဲမွာ ေဖာ္ျပထားပါတယ္။ ၾသစေၾတးလ်ေရာက္ ျမန္မာ့အေရး တက္ၾကြလႈပ္ရွားသူေတြကေတာ့ အခုလို ေလွ်ာ့ေပးဖို႔ အခ်ိန္မတန္ေသးဘူးလုိ႔ ေ၀ဖန္လုိက္ပါတယ္။ အျပည့္စံုကို ဦး၀င္းမင္းက တင္ျပထားပါတယ္။

Kevin Rudd ၏ website တြင္ ျမန္မာအေပၚ စီးပြားေရးပိတ္ဆို႔မႈ ေလွ်ာ့ခ်ေၾကာင္းေဖာ္ျပထား

အေမရိကန္နဲ႔ ၿဗိတိန္ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီးေတြက ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအေပၚ စီးပြားေရးဒဏ္ခတ္ ပိတ္ဆို႔မႈေတြကို ဆက္ထိန္းထားဖို႔ ေျပာေနခ်ိန္မွာ ၾသစေၾတးလ် ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီးဘက္ကေတာ့ ပထမဆံုး အခုလုိ စ ေလွ်ာ့ေပါ့ေပးဖို႔ ဆံုးျဖတ္လာတာပါ။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကို မႏွစ္က သြားလည္ခဲ့ၿပီး ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ နဲ႔လည္း ၾသစေၾတးလ် ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီး ကယ္ဗင္ရက္ဒ္ (Kevin Rudd) က ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံထဲမွာ ဒီမိုကေရစီေရး ပိုၿပီး ပြင့္ပြင့္လင္းလင္း ေဆာင္ရြက္ႏိုင္ဖို႔ အတိုက္အခံေတြ အေနနဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံေရးလုပ္ငန္းေတြမွာ ပိုမို ပါ၀င္လႈပ္ရွားခြင့္ ရလာတာ၊ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားေပါင္း ၂၂၀ ျပန္လြတ္လာတာနဲ႔ အလုပ္သမား သမဂၢေတြ တရား၀င္ဖြဲ႔ဖို႔ ခြင့္ျပဳႏိုင္မယ့္ အလုပ္သမားဥပေဒသစ္ေတြ ျပဌာန္းလာတာေတြဟာ တိုးတက္မႈေတြ ျဖစ္တာမို႔ ဒီတုိးတက္မႈေတြ ဆက္လုပ္ေပးဖို႔ အားေပးတဲ့အေနနဲ႔ အခုလို ေလွ်ာ့ေပါ့ေပးလိုက္တာ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ၾသစေၾတးလ် ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီးဌာနက ထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္ထဲမွာ ေျပာလုိက္ပါတယ္။

ဒီေန႔ ထုတ္ျပန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ၾသစေၾတးလ် ၀န္ႀကီးဌာနရဲ႕ ဒီေၾကညာခ်က္ထဲမွာ အခုလို ေလွ်ာ့ေပးတဲ့အေနနဲ႔ ျမန္မာအစိုးရသစ္ထဲက လူေတြကို ၂၀၀၇ ခုႏွစ္ ေရႊ၀ါေရာင္ လႈပ္ရွားမႈ ဖိႏွိပ္မႈၿပီးကတည္းက စ ခ်မွတ္လာခဲ့တဲ့ ေငြေရးေၾကးေရးနဲ႔ ခရီးသြားလာခြင့္ ဆိုင္ရာ ပိတ္ပင္စာရင္းထဲမွာ မထည့္သြင္းေတာ့ဘူး၊ အစိုးရေဟာင္းမွာ ပါခဲ့သူေတြကိုလည္း ဒီစာရင္းထဲကေန ပယ္ဖ်က္လိုက္ၿပီလို႔ ဆိုပါတယ္။ ပယ္ဖ်က္လိုက္တဲ့ သူေတြထဲမွာ ႏိုင္ငံျခားခရီးသြားလုပ္ငန္းက အရာရွိေတြလည္း ပါ၀င္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ အရင္ ခ်မွတ္ထားတဲ့ ပိတ္ဆို႔မႈတစ္ခုျဖစ္တဲ့ လက္နက္ မေရာင္းခ်ေရး ပိတ္ပင္ထားမႈကိုေတာ့ ဆက္ထိန္းထားဦးမွာ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ဒီေၾကညာခ်က္မွာ ေဖာ္ျပထားပါတယ္။ ၀န္ႀကီး ရက္ဒ္ က ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရး ပိုလုပ္လာတာနဲ႔အမွ် ဒီ ပိတ္ဆို႔မႈေတြကို ဆက္လက္ၿပီး ျပန္လည္ သံုးသပ္ ေလွ်ာ့ေပးသြားမွာျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ဆိုပါတယ္။

ဒါေပမဲ့ ၾသစေၾတးလ်ႏိုင္ငံမွာ ျမန္မာ့အေရး ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနသူတစ္ဦးျဖစ္တဲ့ ေဒါက္တာ ျမင့္ခ်ိဳကေတာ့ အခုလို ေလွ်ာ့ေပါ့ေပးဖို႔ အခ်ိန္မတန္ေသးဘူးလို႔ ေ၀ဖန္လိုက္ပါတယ္။

“လက္ရွိ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားေတြလည္း မလႊတ္ေပးေသးဘူး။ တိုင္းရင္းသား လူမ်ိဳးစုေတြကိုလည္း စစ္ေတြတိုက္ခိုက္ေနတာေတြလည္း ေသခ်ာ မရပ္ေသးဘူး။ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္မႈေတြလည္း အမ်ားႀကီး မတိုးတက္ေသးဘဲနဲ႔ အခုလို ပစ္မွတ္ထား ပိတ္ဆို႔ဟန္႔တားမႈကို ႐ုပ္သိမ္းတဲ့ကိစၥကေတာ့ ဒါ အခ်ိန္မတန္ေသးဘူးလို႔ ေစာလြန္းတယ္လို႔ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ယူဆတယ္။ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆုိေတာ့ ၾသစေၾတးလ်အစိုးရက လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္မႈေတြေၾကာင့္၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားေတြကို ဆက္ၿပီး ထိန္းသိမ္းထားတာေၾကာင့္၊ တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြကို စစ္ဆင္ေနတာေၾကာင့္ sanction လို႔ေခၚတဲ့ ပစ္မွတ္ထား ပိတ္ဆို႔ဒဏ္ခတ္မႈကို ခ်ထားတာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္မိုလို႔ ဒါေတြကို ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈေတြ မလုပ္ေသးဘဲနဲ႔ အခုလိုမ်ိဳး ႐ုပ္သိမ္းဖို႔စဥ္းစားတဲ့ ကိစၥကိုေတာ့ျဖင့္ က်ေနာ့္အေနနဲ႔ လံုး၀ မေထာက္ခံပါဘူး။”

ၾသစေၾတးလ်ႏိုင္ငံ ျမန္မာ့ေရးရာ႐ံုး ညႊန္ၾကားေရးမွဴးလည္းျဖစ္တဲ့ ေဒါက္တာျမင့္ခ်ိဳက အခုလို ေလွ်ာ့ေပးတာကို အံ့ၾသမိတယ္လို႔ ဆိုပါတယ္။

“က်ေနာ့္အေနနဲ႔ တစ္ခုအံ့ၾသတာက မၾကာေသးခင္က ဘာလီမွာျပဳလုပ္သြားတဲ့ အာဆီယံ ထိပ္သီးစည္းေ၀းပြဲမွာ ၾသစေၾတးလ် ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ ဂ်ဴလီယာေဂးလပ္ က အခု အေျပာင္းအလဲေတြ ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့အေပၚမွာေတာ့ ႀကိဳဆိုတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ တကယ့္ကို ဒီမိုကေရစီေရးကို ေရွ႕႐ႈတဲ့ အေျပာင္းအလဲေတြ ခိုင္ခိုင္မာမာ မေတြ႔မခ်င္းေတာ့ ပစ္မွတ္ထား ပိတ္ဆို႔ဒဏ္ခတ္တဲ့ ကိစၥေတြကို ႐ုပ္သိမ္းမွာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ ေနာက္… အေျပာင္းအလဲေတြ မျဖစ္ဘူးဆုိရင္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာ အာဆီယံ ထိပ္သီးစည္းေ၀းပြဲေတာင္မွ တက္ခ်င္မွတက္မယ္ ဆိုၿပီးေတာ့ ျပတ္ျပတ္သားသား ေျပာထားတာရွိပါတယ္။

“အဲဒီေတာ့ ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသား လႊတ္ေပးတယ္ဆိုတာကလည္း ၃၄ ေယာက္ေလာက္ပဲ ရွိတဲ့အခါက်ေတာ့ ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ ေျပာစကားအရဆိုရင္ ဒါဟာ ဘယ္လိုမွ အေလွ်ာ့ေပးသင့္တဲ့ အေျခအေန မဟုတ္ဘူးလို႔ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ယူဆတယ္။”

ေဒါက္တာျမင့္ခ်ိဳ ကပဲ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာ အခ်ိဳ႕စျဖစ္လာတဲ့ အေျပာင္းအလဲေတြကို ႀကိဳဆိုေပမဲ့ ဆက္ၿပီး ေနာက္ထပ္ လုပ္ေပးဖို႔ အမ်ားႀကီး ရွိေနေသးတယ္၊ ဒါေၾကာင့္မို႔ ေလွ်ာ့ေပးသင့္တဲ့ အခ်ိန္နဲ႔ပတ္သက္ၿပီး အခုလို ဆက္ရွင္းျပပါတယ္။

“ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားေတြကို အားလံုး လႊတ္ေပးဖို႔လိုတယ္။ တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြကို ထိုးစစ္ဆင္ေနတာေတြ ရပ္ေပးဖုိ႔လိုတယ္။ တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြပါတဲ့ အားလံုး ေတြ႔ဆံု ေဆြးေႏြးမႈေတြ လုပ္ေပးဖို႔လိုတယ္။”

အခုလို အခ်ိန္မတန္ခင္ ေလွ်ာ့ေပးလိုက္မႈေၾကာင့္ ျဖစ္ေပၚလာမယ့္ အက်ိဳးဆက္ေတြကိုလည္း စိုးရိမ္မိတယ္လို႔လည္း ေဒါက္တာ ျမင့္ခ်ိဳက ေထာက္ျပပါတယ္။

“ဒီလိုအခ်ိန္မတန္ဘဲ ေလွ်ာ့ေပးျခင္းအားျဖင့္ လက္ရွိ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကို အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနတဲ့ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္တဲ့ အစိုးရကေန၊ တို႔ေတြ ဒီေလာက္လုပ္ေပးရင္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာက ေလွ်ာ့ေပးလာမွာပဲ ဆိုၿပီးေတာ့ ဆက္ၿပီးေတာ့ ေလွ်ာ့ေပးစရာ ေျပာင္းလဲစရာေတြကို မလုပ္ေတာ့ဘဲနဲ႔ ရပ္တန္႔သြားႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ ဒီအက်ိဳးဆက္က ႏိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားေတြ လႊတ္ေပးဖို႔ကိစၥမွာလည္း ေႏွာင့္ေႏွးသြားႏိုင္ပါတယ္ခင္ဗ်။”

ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအေပၚ ဆက္လက္ ထားရွိေသးတဲ့ ၾသစေၾတးလ်ႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ ဒဏ္ခတ္မႈတခ်ိဳ႕ကိုလည္း ေနာက္ထပ္ လြယ္လြယ္ကူကူ အခ်ိန္မတန္ခင္ အခုလို ေလွ်ာ့မေပးလိုက္ဖို႔ ဆက္လက္ ေတာင္းဆိုလႈပ္ရွားသြားမယ္လို႔ ေဒါက္တာျမင့္ခ်ိဳက ဆိုပါတယ္။
ဦး၀င္းမင္း VOA

credit here

ျမစ္ျကီးနားနဲ့ ဝိုင္းေမာ္ေဒသေတြမွာ ဒုကၡသည္ ေတြကို ခရစ္ယာန္ ဘုရားေက်ာင္းဝင္းေတြထဲမွာ ေစာင့္ေရွာက္ထားရျပီး ဘုရားေက်ာင္းဝင္းေတြ ထဲမွာ ေနရာနဲ့မမွ် ဒုကၡသည္ေတြ ျပည့္လံွ်ေနေျကာင္းနဲ့ အဲဒီမွာ လနဲ့ခီ် ေနေနျကရသူေတြ ရိွေနသလို သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ ကိုယ္တိုင္က အပစ္ရပ္ဖို့ ညွြန္ျကားထားတဲ့ျကားက တိုက္ပဲြေတြ ဆက္ျဖစ္ေနတာေျကာင့္ ဒုကၡသည္ေတြ ေန့စဉ္နဲ့ အမွ် ထပ္ေရာက္လာေန ေျကာင္း၊ ျမစ္ျကီးနားနဲ့ ဝိုင္းေမာ္ ေဒသက ဒုကၡသည္ေတြရဲ့ အေျခအေနေတြကို ကိုယ္တိုင္ သြားေရာက္ျကည့္ရႈခဲ့တဲ့ People In Need အဖဲြ့က ေဒါက္တာ Gerhard Baumgard က ဘီဘီစီကို ေျပာျပပါတယ္။

လူေတြ ျပည့္ညပ္ေနသလို တိုက္ပဲြဒဏ္ေျကာင့္လည္းအျကီးအက်ယ္ စိတ္ေသာက ဖိစီးေနျကေျကာင္း၊ ဒုကၡသည္ေတြအေနနဲ့ သူတို့ ေနရပ္ ကို ျပန္သြားခ်င္ျကေပမယ့္ သူတို့ရြာေတြ၊ လယ္ခင္းေတြ မီးရိႈ႕ခံခဲ့ရသလို သူတို့ အိမ္ေတြမွာလည္း စစ္တပ္က ဝင္ေနေနျကတဲ့အတြက္ မျပန္ရဲပဲ ျဖစ္ေနတာ ေတြ႔ခဲ့ရတယ္လို႔ ဆိုပါတယ္။

ကခ်င္ေဒသက ဒုကၡသည္ေတြ အဓိက လိုအပ္ေနတာ စားနပ္ ရိကၡာ အကူအညီ ျဖစ္ျပီး အဲဒီမွာ အကူအညီေပးေနတဲ့ WFP ကမာၻ႔စားနပ္ရိကၡာစီမံကိန္း ကုလသမဂၢအဖဲြ႔ရဲ့ ကယ္ဆယ္ေရး အကူအညီေတြ အလံုအေလာက္ ေထာက္ပံ့ခြင့္ မရတဲ့အတြက္ စားနပ္ ရိကၡာ ေတြ မျကာခင္ ျပတ္လပ္သြားမယ့္ အေျခအေနမ်ဳိး ရိွေနေျကာင္း၊ ဒုကၡသည္ အမ်ားစုဟာ ရြက္ဖ်င္တဲေတြ၊ ဝါးတဲေတြမွာ ေနေနရျပီး ညဖက္မွာ အေအးဒဏ္ ကာကြယ္ဖို့ ျခံုေစာင္ေတြလည္း အေရးတျကီး လိုေနေျကာင္းနဲ့ တခ်ဳိ႕ေနရာေတြမွာ ေသာက္သံုးေရ အလံုအေလာက္ မရတာေတြ ရိွေနျပီး မျကာခင္ ေျခာက္ေသြ႔ ရာသီ ေရာက္လာေတာ့မွာမို႔ အခက္အခဲေတြနဲ့ ရင္ဆိုင္ရဖို့ ရိွေနေျကာင္း ေဒါက္တာ Gerhard Baumgard က ေျပာပါတယ္။

အဲဒီမွာ ဒုကၡသည္ေတြကို အမ်ားအားျဖင့္ ကယ္ဆယ္ေရး အကူအညီေပးေနတာက ေဒသခံ ဘာသာေရး အဖဲြ႔အစည္းေတြ၊ ကုလသမဂၢအဖဲြ႔ေတြ၊ အစိုးရ မဟုတ္တဲ့ NGO အဖဲြ႔တြ ျဖစ္ျပီး အစိုးရ အဖဲြ႔အစည္းေတြက လာေရာက္ အကူအညီ ေပးတာမ်ဳိး မေတြ႔ခဲ့ရဘူး လို့လည္း ေျပာျပပါတယ္။

ဒုကၡသည္ေတြကို ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ ဝန္ျကီးခ်ဳပ္က တတ္နိုင္သေလာက္ ေထာက္ပံ့ အကူအညီ ေပးေနတယ္လို့ အဲဒီက နွစ္ျခင္း ခရစ္ယာန္ သင္းအုပ္ဆရာတဦးက သူ့ကို ေျပာျပေျကာင္း၊ ဒုကၡသည္ေတြကို အကူအညီတခ်ဳိ႔ ေပးခ်င္တယ္ ဆိုျပီး ပါလီမန္ လႊတ္ေတာ္က ကမ္းလွမ္းခဲ့တုန္းကေတာ့ ဘယ္လို အကူအညီမ်ဳိးဆိုတာ မေသခ်ာတဲ့အတြက္ဆိုျပီး KIO ကခ်င္ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး အဖဲြ႔က လက္မခံခဲ့ေျကာင္း ေဒါက္တာ Gerhard Baumgard က ေျပာပါတယ္။

ဒုကၡသည္ေတြရဲ့ အေျခအေနေတြကို နိုင္ငံတကာ ကယ္ဆယ္ေရး အဖဲြ့အစည္းေတြကို သြားေရာက္ ျကည့္ရႈခြင့္မျပဳတာဟာ တိုက္ပဲြေတြ ျဖစ္ေန တဲ့ေနရာေတြမို့ လံုျခံုေရးေျကာင့္ ဆိုျပီး အစိုးရက အေျကာင္းျပထားေျကာင္း၊ ဒါေပမယ့္လည္း ရွမ္းျပည္က နယ္စပ္ေဒသ တခ်ဳိ႕မွာဆို အိုးအိမ္ စြန့္ခြာ ထြက္ေျပးတဲ့ IDP ဒုကၡသည္ေတြ ရိွေနတာ ဆယ္စုနွစ္နဲ့ခီ် ရိွေနေပမယ့္ နိုင္ငံတကာ ကယ္ဆယ္ေရး အဖဲြ့ေတြ သြားခြင့္မရေသးေျကာင္း သူက ေျပာပါတယ္။

ျပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ရက္ပိုင္းကပဲ နွစ္ေပါင္း ၅၀ေက်ာ္အတြင္း ျမန္မာနိုင္ငံကို ျဗိတိန္ နိုင္ငံျခားေရး ဝန္ျကီးတဦးအျဖစ္ ပထမဆံုးအျကိမ္ လာေရာက္ခဲ့တဲ့ မစၥတာ William Hague က ကခ်င္ေဒသဆီ နိုင္ငံတကာ ကယ္ဆယ္ေရး အဖဲြ့ေတြ သြားခြင့္ျပုဖို့ အစိုးရကို တိုက္တြန္း ခဲ့သလို ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္း စုျကည္ကလည္း ကခ်င္ေဒသက ဒုက0×081ခသည္ေတြနဲ့ ေဒသခံေတြရဲ့ အေျခအေန ဆိုးဝါးလာေနေျကာင္းနဲ့ ကခ်င္အေရးကို အေရးတျကီး ေဆာင္ရြက္ဖို့ လိုေျကာင္း ေျပာသြားပါတယ္။

credit here

Compiled by National League for Democracy (NLD) on 7-11-2011
Read the full report Here

__________________________________________________


ALLEGED AMNESTY IS HIGHLY LIMITED IN NATURE AND AMOUNTS TO A PALTRY REDUCTION OF HARSH PRISON TERMS

On 2 January, President U Thein Sein of the Union Solidarity Development Party signed amnesty order 1/2012, authorizing a commutation of death sentences to life and a reduction in prison terms. Those prisoners serving more than 30 year sentences have had their sentences deducted to up to 30 years; prisoners with 20 to 30 year terms are now serving up to 20 years; and prisoners with less than 20 years will experience a one fourth deduction in their sentences.

“This order does not qualify as an amnesty as it is just a deplorable reduction in draconian prison terms. Political prisoners, especially those in prominent positions and in leadership roles, have been given extremely long sentences in an effort to exclude them from any future amnesties. Having a sentence reduced from 120 years to 90 years means nothing to those who sacrificed their lives for democratic transition and continue to languish behind bars. It is imperative that they are unconditionally and immediately released – the democracy movement in Burma cannot wait any longer, Bo Kyi, Joint-Secretary of AAPP said.”

Three times a so-called amnesty has been declared under President U Thein Sein and three times the domestic and international community has been deceived. These amnesties resulted in nothing more than an insignificant shaving off of unduly harsh prison terms. Although AAPP welcomes the release of any political prisoner, it bears repeating that one political prisoner behind bars is one political prisoner too many.

This most recent amnesty is no different than past amnesties where only a small number of political prisoners were released. AAPP can confirm that in the past amnesties ordered by U Thein Sein, only 0.75% of those released were political prisoners. Approximately 14,600 prisoners were freed on 17May 2011, but only 72 of those were political prisoners. Under the second amnesty on 12 October 2011, 6,359 prisoners were released, with only 241 of those being political prisoners. As of the end of the day 4 January, AAPP can confirm that 34 political prisoners have been freed. However, the majority of them were nearing the end of their sentences. Those who have a critical role to play in the democratic and national reconciliation process, along with fostering the nascent civil society, will continue to remain behind bars for decades. Ethnic leader U Khun Htun Oo, 88 Generation leader Min Ko Naing, revered monk leader U Gambira, individual activists, students, and women who were given long imprisonments are ostensibly excluded from this shameless amnesty.

“This amnesty is wholly insufficient and directly contravenes statements made by the administration’s leading authorities that the majority of political prisoners would be released in January. These statements amount to mental torture both for the political prisoner and their loved ones who anticipate their freedom. It is a cruel tactic intended to wear down the spirit and morale of those imprisoned, Bo Kyi said”

The failure to release all political prisoners gives the people of Burma little hope for the fate of democracy and human rights. There can be no national reconciliation process or resolution of internal ethnic conflicts without the immediate release of all political prisoners. It is clear that these self-styled amnesties have been methodically designed to exclude political prisoners serving long prison terms, including 88 generation members. The repeated false steps taken by the U Thein Sein administration, where impending releases are highly trumpeted only to result in a paltry reduction in terms, foster suspicion and breed mistrust.

Political prisoners, arrested and sentenced under former military regimes, were arbitrarily deprived of their liberty and were not granted their universal right to a fair trial. If Burma wants to show itself as a nation in democratic transition, it needs to account for why over 1,000 political prisoners continue to be deprived of their most basic liberties. The release of all political prisoners depends solely on the authorization of President U Thein Sein; his failure to do so reveals his unwillingness to resolve this most pressing issue. Doing so would lay the foundation of a nation that conforms with the rule of law and human rights.

In the face of such an inadequate amnesty, AAPP repeats its calls for the U Thein Sein administration to recognize the existence of political prisoners, to secure their immediate and unconditional release, and to erase their criminal records. This is a necessary first step before Burma can move forward towards peace and national reconciliation.

Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma)

For more information:

Tate Naing (Secretary): +66 (0) 81 287 8751

Bo Kyi (Joint-Secretary): +66 (0) 81 962 8713

-- 

Thanks N Regards,

Assistant Association for Political Prisoners (Burma)

email: info@aappb.org

Office Ph: 66(၀)55-545495

Web: http://www.aappb.org, http://www.fbppn.net

ဒီမိုကေရစီဆိုတာ စနစ္တခုျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ စနစ္တခုျဖစ္တာေၾကာင့္ တည္ေဆာက္ယူရပါတယ္။ တခ်ိဳ႕က ဒီမိုကေရစီဆိုတာကို အာဏာရွင္ေတြဆီက ေတာင္းယူလို႕ ရမယ္လို႕ ထင္တတ္ၾကပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အာဏာရွင္ဆိုတာက အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ကို တည္ေဆာက္ေနသူမ်ားျဖစ္တာေၾကာင့္ အာဏာရွင္ဆီမွာ မရွိတဲ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီကို ေတာင္းယူလို႕ မရပါ။ ဒီေတာ့ ေတာင္းယူလို႕ မရရင္ တိုက္ယူလို႕ ရမလားလို႕ ေမးစရာရွိလာပါတယ္။ တိုက္ယူတယ္လို႕ ဆိုရင္ေတာ့ မရပါဘူး။ တိုက္တာကေတာ့ တိုက္ရပါမယ္။ လူထုတိုက္ပြဲအသြင္နဲ႕ပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ လက္နက္ကိုင္တိုက္ပြဲအေနနဲ႕ျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ ႏိုင္ငံတကာအကူအညီ ေပါင္းစပ္ ပါ၀င္မွဳနဲ႕ပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ တိုက္ရပါမယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံတကာအကူအညီ ေပါင္းစပ္ပါ၀င္မွဳလို႕ပဲ ဆိုထားပါတယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံတကာတိုက္ပြဲနဲ႕လို႕ ဆိုလိုတာ မဟုတ္ပါ။ ႏိုင္ငံတကာက စစ္မ်က္ႏွာ တခုအေနနဲ႕ပဲ အသံုး၀င္ပါတယ္။ ဒီလိုတိုက္ရာမွာ အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ဆိုတဲ့ စနစ္ကို တိုက္ရပါမယ္။ စနစ္ရဲ႕ ဆိုးက်ိဳးေတြကို ေဖာ္ထုတ္ရပါမယ္။ အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ကို တိုက္ျပီး ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ ကို တည္ေဆာက္ယူရပါမယ္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေျပာင္းလဲျခင္း ျဖစ္စဥ္မွာက သ႑ာန္အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးရွိပါတယ္။ 

 ဒီမိုကေရစီေျပာင္းလဲမွဳျဖစ္စဥ္အသြင္သ႑ာန္မ်ား 

အခ်ိဳ႕က ေခတ္မွီဖြံ႕ျဖိဳးတိုးတက္မွဳေပၚမွာ အေျခတည္တဲ့ ေျပာင္းလဲမွဳျဖစ္စဥ္ကို လက္ခံယံုၾကည္ၾကပါတယ္။ ဒီျဖစ္စဥ္ အရဆိုရင္ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ တည္ေဆာက္မွဳ မတိုင္ခင္မွာ စီးပြားေရးတိုးတက္မွဳရွိရမယ္၊ civil society အားေကာင္းဖို႕ လိုအပ္မယ္လို႕ ယူဆၾကပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ စီးပြားေရး၊ လူမွဳေရးတိုးတက္မွဳကို ဦးစားေပးလုပ္ေဆာင္ရမယ္လို႕ ဆိုၾကပါတယ္။ ဖြံ႕ျဖိဳးဆဲတိုင္းျပည္ေတြမွာ ဒီမိုကေရစီ စနစ္တည္ေဆာက္တဲ့အခါ ဒီလိုစီးပြားေရး၊ လူမွဳေရးတိုးတက္မွဳေတြ မရွိရင္ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ကို ခိုင္ျမဲေအာင္တည္ေဆာက္ဖို႕ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ေၾကာင္း ေထာက္ျပေျပာဆိုၾကပါတယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးပညာရွင္ Lipset က စီးပြားေရးတိုးတက္လာတာနဲ႕အမွ် ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးစနစ္ အေကာင္အထည္ေပၚလာႏိုင္မယ့္ အခြင့္အေရးေတြကို စီးပြားေရးတိိုးတက္မွဳနဲ႕ ဒီမိုကေရစီေျပာင္းလဲမွဳျဖစ္စဥ္ေတြနဲ႕ ဆက္ႏြယ္ျပီး အဆိုျပဳထားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ 

ပညာရွင္ Huntington ကလဲ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္တည္ေဆာက္ဖို႕အတြက္ လူထုလွဳပ္ရွားမွဳေတြ၊ သမဂၢလွဳပ္ရွားမွဳေတြ နည္းပါးရမယ္လို႕ အဆိုျပဳထားပါတယ္။ လူထုလွဳပ္ရွားမွဳေတြကို ေခတ္မွီဖြံ႕ျဖိဳးတိုးတက္တဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံၾကီးအျဖစ္ တည္ေဆာက္ ျပီးမွသာ ခြင့္ျပဳရမယ္လို႕ သူ႕ရဲ႕ ေခတ္သစ္ modernization theory မွာ ေဖာ္ျပထားပါတယ္။ ပညာရွင္ Moore ကက်ေတာ့ Lipset ရဲ႕ လူမွဳေရး၊ စီးပြားေရး တိုးတက္မွဳ လိုအပ္ခ်က္ အေျခအေနေတြကို လက္ခံထားခဲ့ေပမယ့္ လူထု လွဳပ္ရွားမွဳေတြကလဲ အေရးၾကီးေၾကာင္း ပထအလွိဳင္း ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေျပာင္းလဲမွုျဖစ္စဥ္လို႕ ေခၚဆိုၾကတဲ့ အဂၤလန္၊ ျပင္သစ္၊ အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စုႏိုင္ငံေတြကို ဥပမာေပးျပီး ဆိုထားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒီသ႑ာန္ဟာ ႏိုင္ငံအခ်ိဳ႕ရဲ႕ ေျပာင္းလဲမွဳျဖစ္စဥ္မွာ မွန္ကန္ေပမယ့္ ေပၚတူဂီ၊ ဂရိ၊ ပီရူး တို႕မွာက်ေတာ့ မမွန္ကန္ခဲ့ပါဘူး။ ဘာလို႕လဲဆိုေတာ့ ဒီႏိုင္ငံေတြမွာ စီးပြားေရး၊ လူမူေရး တိုးတက္မွဳ preconditions ေတြ မရွိပဲ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ အေကာင္အထည္ေပၚလာခဲ့တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ေခတ္မွီဖြံ႕ျဖိဳးတိုးတက္တဲ့ စက္မွဳႏိုင္ငံၾကီးေတြျဖစ္တဲ့ အာဂ်င္တီးနား၊ ဘရာဇီး၊ ခ်ီလီ၊ ေတာင္ကိုးရီးယားႏိုင္ငံေတြမွာက်ေတာ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီေျပာင္းလဲမွဳက ဒီဖြံ႕ျဖိဳးဆဲႏိုင္ငံေလးေတြေနာက္မွာမွ စတင္ခဲ့တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ 

 တခ်ိဳ႕ကက်ေတာ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီေျပာင္းလဲမွဳျဖစ္စဥ္ဆိုတာကို transitology ဆိုတဲ့ elite ေတြကပဲ ဦးေဆာင္ေျပာင္းလဲတဲ့ ျဖစ္စဥ္အေနနဲ႕ ရွဳျမင္ၾကပါတယ္။ ဒီျဖစ္စဥ္မွာက်ေတာ့ resurrection of Civil Society ဆိုတဲ့ အေျခအေနက အဓိကက်ပါတယ္။ ဒီအေျခအေနက ျပည္သူလူထု၊ ေက်ာင္းသား၊ အလုပ္သမား၊ ဘာသာေရးအဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြအားလံုးက ကနဦးဒီမိုကေရစီေျပာင္းလဲမွဳျဖစ္စဥ္ (Initial democratization) ကို လူထုအားနဲ႕ တြန္းအားေပးလိုက္တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီေျပာင္းလဲမွဳျဖစ္စဥ္မွာ လူထုရဲ႕ အခန္းက႑က Initial democratization ကို စတြန္းခဲ့တဲ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အေရးေတာ္ပံုၾကီးေတြမွာ ဆႏၵျပပြဲေတြ၊ street theatre ေတြမွာ ပါ၀င္မွဳျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ 

 ဒီလိုတြန္းအားေပးလိုက္တဲ့အခါမွာ အာဏာရွင္အုပ္စုနဲ႕ ဒီမိုကေရစီအုပ္စုဆိုတဲ့ အင္အားစုၾကီးႏွစ္ရပ္ထြက္ေပၚလာပါတယ္။ ဒီအုပ္စုႏွစ္ရပ္ကေန ေခါင္းေဆာင္ elite ေတြ ေပၚထြက္လာပါတယ္။ ဒီ elites ေတြဟာ ဒီမိုကေရစီ လွဳပ္ရွားမွဳၾကီးကေန ေပၚထြက္လာတာျဖစ္ရံုမက လွဳပ္ရွားမွဳရဲ႕ ရလာဒ္ကိုပါ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ႏိုင္တဲ့ အင္အားစုေတြ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေျပာင္းလဲမွဳျဖစ္စဥ္ ဆက္လက္အေကာင္အထည္ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ႏိုင္လား၊ ရပ္တန္႕ျပီး political deadlock ျဖစ္သြားလာဆိုတာကေတာ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီဘက္က ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြဟာ လူထုတိုက္ပြဲအရွိန္ေကာင္းစဥ္မွာ ဖြဲ႕ရမယ့္ အတိုက္အခံဦးေဆာင္ၾကားျဖတ္အစိုးရ (သို႕မဟုတ္) အာဏာရွင္နဲ႕ တြဲဖက္ဖြဲ႕စည္းရမယ့္ ပါ၀ါရွယ္ယာ ၾကားျဖတ္အစိုးရ စတဲ့ၾကားျဖတ္အစိုးရေတြကို ဖြဲ႕စည္းႏိုင္တဲ့ အရည္အခ်င္းနဲ႕ အေျမာ္အျမင္ရွိမရွိ ဆိုတာမွာ မူတည္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဒီေျပာင္းလဲမွဳျဖစ္စဥ္ မေအာင္ျမင္ဖူးဆိုရင္ ဒါဟာ လူထုၾကီးေၾကာင့္ မဟုတ္ပဲ လူထုၾကီးေရြးခ်ယ္လိုက္တဲ့ elite ေတြရဲ႕ အရည္အခ်င္း၊ အေတြးအေခၚ၊ စီမံလုပ္ကိုင္ပံုေတြနဲ႕ပဲ ဆိုင္ပါတယ္။ 

ဒီလိုနဲ႕ ဒီ elite ေတြက ဒီမိုကေရစီေျပာင္းလဲမွဳျဖစ္စဥ္ကို အေကာင္အထည္ မေဖာ္ႏိုင္ေတာ့ဘူးဆိုတာ ေသခ်ာလာတဲ့အခါ ေနာက္တၾကိမ္ လူထုတိုက္ပြဲေတြ ထပ္မံ ေပၚထြက္ရျပန္ပါတယ္။ cycle of protests လို႕ေခၚဆိုႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအခါမွာ ဒီလူထုတိုက္ပြဲေတြကေန elite ေတြ ထပ္ထြက္လာႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ ဒီျဖစ္စဥ္မွာ တခုသတိထားစရာရွိတာက ေရွ႕ပိုင္း လူုထုတိုက္ပြဲေတြက elite ေတြရဲ႕ အခန္းက႑ပဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ လူထုတိုက္ပြဲေတြျဖစ္လာျပီး ထပ္မံေပၚထြက္လာတဲ့ elite အသစ္ေတြက ဒီမိုကေရစီေျပာင္းလဲမွဳျဖစ္စဥ္ကို ေအာင္ေအာင္ျမင္ျမင္ စတင္သြားမွာကို ေရွ႕က တခ်ိဳ႕ elite ေတြက စိုးရိမ္တတ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီအခါမွာ ဒီလိုစိုးရိမ္တဲ့ elite ေတြထဲမွာ လုပ္ေဆာင္ပံု ပံုစံႏွစ္မ်ိဳးထပ္ထြက္လာပါတယ္။ ပထမတမ်ိဳးက လူထုတိုက္ပြဲေတြ ထပ္ျပီး မေပၚလာေအာင္ နည္းမ်ိဳးစံုနဲ႕ တားဆီးတာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ေရွ႕လဲမတက္၊ ေနာက္လဲ မဆုတ္တဲ့ ပိုေနျမဲ၊ က်ားေနျမဲပံုစံပါ။ 

ဒုတိယတမ်ိဳးကေတာ့ လူထုလွဳပ္ရွားမွဳ အားေကာင္းလာတဲ့အခါ ေနရာ၀င္ယူဖို႕ ၾကိဳးစားတာေတြျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ေခါင္းေဆာင္သစ္ေတြ ထပ္မထြက္လာေအာင္ ေရွ႕ပိုင္းကေန ပိတ္ပင္ထားမွဳေတြ လုပ္ေလ့ရွိပါတယ္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေျပာင္းလဲမွဳျဖစ္စဥ္ မွာ political deadlock ျဖစ္သြားတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေတြရဲ႕ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အင္အားစုေတြအၾကားမွာ ျဖစ္ေလ့ရွိတဲ့ ေနရာယူမွဳေတြ၊ အခ်င္းခ်င္း တိုက္ခိုက္ ေျပာဆိုမွဳေတြ၊ မ်ိဳးဆက္သစ္လက္ဆင့္ကမ္းမွဳ အားနည္းတာေတြ၊ မေအာင္ျမင္ခဲ့တဲ့ အေတြ႕အၾကံဳနဲ႕ ျဖတ္သန္းမွဳကိုပဲ တိုင္းတာသတ္မွတ္ေနတာေတြ အားလံုးဟာ ဒီသေဘာတရားမွာ အေျခတည္ပါတယ္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီအင္အားစုေတြမွာ ဒီလို elite ေတြမ်ားေနရင္ ေနာက္တၾကိမ္လူထုတိုက္ပြဲကေန ထပ္ထြက္လာမယ့္ elite ေတြရဲ႕ အခန္းက႑ကို ကန္႕သတ္လိုက္သလို ျဖစ္သြားတာေၾကာင့္ ေျပာင္းလဲမွဳျဖစ္စဥ္ ေအာင္ျမင္ဖို႕ ခက္ခဲတတ္ပါတယ္။ အေျမာ္ အျမင္ၾကီးမွဳ၊ ကိုယ္က်ိဳးထက္ အမ်ားအေရးကို ဦးစားေပး စဥ္းစားမွဳေတြရွိဖို႕က ဒီအသြင္သ႑ာန္ေအာင္ျမင္မွဳရဲ႕ ေသာ့ခ်က္ပါပဲ။ 

 Initial democratization စတင္သြားျပီဆိုရင္လဲ လူထုလွဳပ္ရွားမွဳေတြက တျခားအသြင္သ႑ာန္ေတြနဲ႕ ဆက္ရွိေနရ မွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ တခ်ိဳ႕ႏိုင္ငံေတြမွာ ကနဦးဒီမိုကေရစီ စတင္ျပီးတဲ့အခါ ႏိုင္ငံတည္ေဆာက္မယ့္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ ေပၚထြက္ေနျပီအထင္နဲ႕ လူထုလွဳပ္ရွားမွဳက အားနည္းသြားပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ဒီေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြက လူထုရဲ႕ အနာဂတ္ ဘ၀တိုးတက္မွဳကို ဖန္တီးအားထုတ္တာ မျပဳလုပ္ပဲ အာဏာလုမွဳေတြ၊ ကိုယ္က်ိဳးရွာမွဳေတြ ျပဳလုပ္လာတာလဲ ရွိေနတတ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေျပာင္းလဲမွဳျဖစ္စဥ္မွာတင္ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးေျပာင္းလဲမွဳျဖစ္စဥ္တိုင္းမွာ ျဖစ္ေလ့ရွိပါတယ္။ အာရွနဲ႕ အာဖရိကႏိုင္ငံေတြမွာ ကိုလိုနီအစိုးရလက္ေအာက္က လြတ္ေျမာက္ကာစမွာ လြတ္လပ္ေရးနဲ႕ အတူ ေပၚေပါက္လာခဲ့တဲ့ အစိုးရေတြမွာလဲ ေဖာက္ျပန္တဲ့ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ အမ်ားၾကီးေပၚထြက္ခဲ့ဖူးပါတယ္။ 

အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ကေန ဒီမိုကေရစနစ္ ေျပာင္းလဲမွဳျဖစ္စဥ္ ကနဦးအစမွာလဲ လွဳပ္ရွားမွဳမွာ ပါ၀င္ခဲ့တာကို အခြင့္ေကာင္းယူျပီး ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေနရာလုဖို႕ ၾကိဳးစားသူေတြ၊ အာဏာရွင္ဘက္ေတာ္သားေဟာင္းေတြထဲက အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး၊ တည္ေဆာက္ေရး ယႏၳရားထဲမွာ က်န္ရစ္ခဲ့သူေတြနဲ႕ ဒီမိုကေရစီဘက္ေတာ္သားေတြအၾကားက ပဋိပကၡေတြ၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားအခ်င္းခ်င္း ေစာင္းေျမာင္းတိုက္ခိုက္မွဳေတြ၊ ေငြေၾကးအရွဳပ္အရွင္းေတြ စတဲ့ အေထြေထြ ျပႆနာေတြဟာ ေပၚေပါက္လာမွာပဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ဆိုတာ လူထုဆီက အာဏာသက္ဆင္းတဲ့ စနစ္ျဖစ္တာေၾကာင့္ ဒီလိုျပႆနာေတြကို လြတ္လပ္ပြင့္လင္းတဲ့ မီဒီယာေတြ၊ အာဏာရႏိုင္ငံေရးပါတီေတြကို တျခားပါတီနဲ႕ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြက ျပန္လွန္ေစာင့္ၾကည့္မွဳေတြ၊ လာဘ္ေပးလာဘ္ယူကိစၥေတြကို ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ႏိုင္တဲ့ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးယႏၱရားေတြနဲ႕ ေျဖရွင္းသြားႏိုင္မွာ ျဖစ္တယ္။ 

ဒီမိုကေရစီဆိုတာ စနစ္တခုျဖစ္ျပီး၊ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေျပာင္းလဲမွဳျဖစ္စဥ္ဆိုတာက တျခားစနစ္ေတြကေန ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ကို ျပဳျပင္တည္ေဆာက္တဲ့ ျဖစ္စဥ္တရပ္သာျဖစ္တယ္။ အာဏာရွင္စနစ္နဲ႕ ကြာျခားတာက အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ကို လူေတြရဲ႕ စိတ္ေနစိတ္ထားေတြ၊ အတၱေတြ၊ ေလာဘ၊ ေမာဟက ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ေမာင္းႏွင္ျပီး၊ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္မွာက်ေတာ့ စနစ္ရဲ႕ တန္ဖိုးေတြ၊ ယံုၾကည္ခ်က္ေတြက လူေတြရဲ႕ အတၱေတြ၊ ေလာဘ၊ ေမာဟေတြကို ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ေမာင္းႏွင္တာျဖစ္တယ္။ အာဏာရွင္ ဘက္ေတာ္သားေတြက မေကာင္းဘူးလို႕ တထစ္ခ် ေျပာလို႕မရသလို ဒီမိုကေရစီဘက္ေတာ္သားေတြကိုလဲ သူေတာ္စင္ေတြလို႕ ဘယ္သူမွ တပ္အပ္မေျပာႏိုင္ဘူး။ ပိုက္ဆံလက္ထဲ မရွိခင္မွာ ဟိုလူ၊ ဒီလူ ကူညီဖို႕ စဥ္းစားသူေတြဟာ လက္ထဲ ပိုက္ဆံတကယ္ေရာက္လာတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ကိုယ့္အက်ိဳးနဲ႕ ကိုယ့္မိသားစုအတြက္ ပိုျပီး ဦးစားေပးၾကတာပဲ။ ဒါဟာ အျပစ္ဆိုစရာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ လူ႕သဘာ၀ပဲျဖစ္တယ္။ 

ဒီလို လူ႕အတၱေတြကို အာဏာရွင္စနစ္က တြန္းအားေပးတယ္။ အာဏာရယူလိုစိတ္၊ အာဏာဆုပ္ကိုင္ထားလိုစိတ္၊ အာဏာနဲ႕ ေပ်ာ္ေမြ႕တဲ့ စိတ္ေတြဟာ အာဏာရွင္စနစ္က တြန္းပို႕ေပးတဲ့ စိတ္ေနစိတ္ထားေတြပဲျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္က က်ေတာ့ ဒီလို လူ႕အတၱေတြကို ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္လိုက္တယ္။ လူအမ်ား ဆႏၵနဲ႕ လူအမ်ားအက်ိဳးကို ေဆာင္ရြက္ဖို႕ လူအမ်ားက ေရြးခ်ယ္ ထားသူေတြဟာ အမ်ားအက်ိဳးမၾကည့္ပဲ ကိုယ့္အတၱေနာက္ကိုပဲ လိုက္ေနတာကို ဒီမိုကေရစီ စနစ္က ခြင့္မျပဳဘူး။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ လူထုတရပ္လံုးရဲ႕ အနာဂတ္တိုးတက္ေရးကို ျပည္သူလူထုအေပၚမွာ အေျခတည္တဲ့ ျပည္သူ႕ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ကသာ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ေပးႏိုင္တာျဖစ္တယ္။ 

 တခ်ိဳ႕က ႏိုင္ငံေရးအေတြးအေခၚနဲ႕ ဘက္လိုက္မွဳေတြမွာ လူကို အေျခခံျပီး စဥ္းစားဆံုးျဖတ္တတ္ၾကတယ္။ စနစ္ေပၚအေျခခံ မစဥ္းစားၾကဘူး။ ဒီလိုလူမ်ိဳးေတြဟာ ဒီမိုကေရစီအင္အားစုေတြထဲက လူေတြရဲ႕ အားနည္းခ်က္ေတြ၊ အတၱေတြကို ေတြ႕လာ၊ သိလာတဲ့အခါက်ေတာ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီလွဳပ္ရွားမွဳအေပၚ အထင္အျမင္လြဲလာေတာေတြရွိတယ္။ ဒါဟာ လူုအေပၚမွာ အေျခတည္စဥ္းစားမွဳ၊ ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေရးကိုးကြယ္မွဳေတြရဲ႕ ရလာဒ္ေတြပဲျဖစ္တယ္။ လူ႕စိတ္ဆိုတာ အင္မတန္ဆန္းက်ယ္တယ္။ အခ်ိန္၊ ေနရာ၊ အေျခအေနေတြဟာ လူေတြရဲ႕ စိတ္ကို လႊမ္းမိုးႏိုင္တယ္။ အေျခအေန၊ အခ်ိန္အခါအရ လူသတ္မွဳက်ဴဳးလြန္သြားမိသူ အမ်ားစုဟာ မက်ဴးလြန္ခဲ့စဥ္တုန္းက လူအခ်င္းခ်င္း သတ္ျဖတ္တာဟာ မေကာင္းဘူးလို႕ လက္ခံခဲ့ၾကသူေတြခ်ည္းပါပဲ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အသိတခုနဲ႕ မျပီးဘူး။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ေပးဖို႕ဥပေဒဆိုတာ ေပၚလာတယ္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ဆိုတာလဲ ဒီလိုပဲ။ အစိုးရအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးယႏၱရားနဲ႕ ဒီယႏၱရားထဲက လူေတြကို ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ေပးတဲ့ စနစ္သာလွ်င္ျဖစ္တယ္။ 

 ဒီေတာ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီဘက္ေတာ္သားေတြရဲ႕ စနစ္နဲ႕ မကိုက္ညီႏိုင္တဲ့ အတၱေတြ၊ လုပ္ရပ္ေတြဟာလဲ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေျပာင္းလဲမွဳျဖစ္စဥ္ စလာတဲ့အခါမွာ စနစ္က ျပန္ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္သြားမွာပဲျဖစ္တယ္။ စနစ္နဲ႕ မကိုက္ညီသူေတြကို စနစ္က ဖယ္ရွားပစ္ေလ့ရွိတာ ဓမၼတာသာျဖစ္တယ္။ တိုင္းျပည္တခုမွာ စနစ္ဆိုးရွိေနရင္ စနစ္ဆိုးနဲ႕ မကိုက္ညီသူေတြ ျပည္ပထြက္တာမ်ားျပီး brain drain ဆိုတဲ့ ဦးေႏွာက္ ယိုစီးမွဳျပႆနာျဖစ္ေလ့ရွိတယ္။ စနစ္ေကာင္းကို ျပန္တည္ေဆာက္တဲ့အခါ brain gain ျဖစ္လာတတ္စျမဲပါပဲ။ ဒီအခါမွာ စနစ္နဲ႕ မကိုက္ညီတဲ့ လူေတြရဲ႕ စိတ္ေတြကို စနစ္က ျပဳျပင္မွာ ျဖစ္သလို၊ ျပဳျပင္လို႕ မရသူေတြကလဲ စနစ္ကေန လြင့္ထြက္သြားမွာပါပဲ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ လူေတြကို ၾကည့္ျပီး စနစ္ေရးရာကို ဆံုးျဖတ္လို႕ မရဘူးဆိုတာ လူအမ်ား သိနားလည္ဖို႕ လိုအပ္ပါတယ္။ 

 ဒီလိုလူေတြရဲ႕ အာဏာ၊ ေငြေၾကးနဲ႕ ပတ္သက္ျပီး ေဖာက္လြဲေဖာက္ျပန္ျဖစ္တတ္တဲ့ သဘာ၀ေတြကို ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ႏိုင္တဲ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ အျမစ္တြယ္ခိုင္မာဖို႕ အတြက္ လူထုလွဳပ္ရွားမွဳ ေတြဟာ အလြန္ပဲ အေရးၾကီးပါတယ္။ 

ေ

နာ
ေ

နာ