Burma will take back some of its refugees from neighbouring Bangladesh, an official said Tuesday, adding that hundreds of thousands of ethnic Rohingyas will not be covered by the deal.
A Rohingya refugee child stands in the doorway of a shelter in an unregistered camp at Kutupalong some 400kms south-east of Dhaka 2009. Myanmar will take back some of its refugees from neighbouring Bangladesh, an official said Tuesday, adding that hundreds of thousands of ethnic Rohingyas will not be covered by the deal.
The agreement to repatriate Burma refugees was reached at a meeting earlier this month between President Thein Sein and Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, a senior immigration ministry official told AFP.
"Those refugees from Bangladesh who meet four key criteria will be allowed to come back," the official said, adding that Burma expected around 2,500 refugees would meet the conditions, which include legally proving citizenship.
Ethnic Rohingyas will not be included in the repatriation as they are not Burma citizens but Bengalis who migrated around the time of the Second World War when both countries were under British rule, he added.
Described by the United Nations as one of the most persecuted minorities on earth, the Rohingya have no legal right to own land in Burma and are banned from marrying or travelling without permission.
Every year, thousands of Rohingya stream across the border into Muslim-majority Bangladesh from Burma's northern Rakhine state.
Bangladesh, which views the Rohingya as economic migrants and has repeatedly called on Burma to take them back, said the latest refugee deal "was nothing new", Dhaka's foreign secretary Mijarul Quayes told AFP.
Some 28,000 Rohingya are recognised as registered refugees and live and receive aid at an official UN camp in Bangladesh. This figure is a fraction of the 200,000 to 300,000 unofficial refugees, according to government estimates.
UNHCR has not been officially informed of any repatriation of refugees but is seeking clarification on any new deals from both governments, Jing Song, UNHCR external officer in Bangladesh told AFP.
"Our official stance is that repatriation has to be voluntary," she added.
Mojibar Rahman, a registered Rohingya refugee who works as a teacher in one of the UN camps in Bangladesh said most Rohingya did not want to return to Burma.
"We thought that after the election the situation would improve for Rohingya in Burma, but it hasn't. Now, we are hearing we'll be forced to return -- but no one wants to go back," he said.
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President Thein Sein seems to be on the right track, when he ordered or instructed the military on December 10 to cease its offensive against the Kachin Independence Organization/Army (KIO/KIA). But reports coming in indicate that either the military is disobeying the presidential order or the instruction has not reached all the units, which according to Aung Thaung, Minister of Industry and head of the Union Level Peacemaking Group, sporadic skirmishes in remote areas occurred, due to the fact that troops there might not have received the instruction due to a lack of a proper telecommunication system.
Sai WansaiAccording to the Kachin News Group (KNG) report of 17 December, Thein Sein's directive to halt offensive against the KIA has not been heeded. It writes: “Although Burma’s President Thein Sein publicly released a letter on December 10 to the commander-in-chief of the military directing the army to end its northern offensive, the Burmese army has continued to fight the KIO. Fighting has been particularly fierce in territory belonging to the Kachin Independence Army’s (KIA) third battalion. Eyewitnesses on the ground in Kachin State report that despite Thein Sein’s peace directive, the army on Wednesday sent more than 500 troops to the Sadung region in preparation for an apparent government offensive."
Likewise, The Irrawaddy reported on 15 December that according to one Western observer fighting continues to rage on unabated near the KIO's headquarters of Laiza, on the Sino-Burmese border. The observer, who just returned on 14 December, said that fierce fighting just outside of Mai Ja Yang, a few kilometers away.
AP also reported on 14 December that despite the ceasefire announcement, KIA officials said fighting continued on the front lines and reinforcement troops were arriving.
"This is welcome," said Henry Hkaung, an advisor to the KIA's chief of staff. "But the problem is although Thein Sein has encouraged the army to stop offensive fighting; military offensives are still going on and mostly increasing the number in all parts of the state. The fighting on the front line is still going on, so the military does not listen to Thein Sein's order."
In an interview conducted by Mizzima, in Burmese, on 13 December, David Thakabaw, Vice-President of the Karen National Union (KNU) said, in order to achieve ceasefire, the government must first stop its offensives against all the non-Burman ethnic groups.
He said: "What I'm thinking now is that whether U Thein Sein really has the power to implement. Does he really want ceasefire? Does he have power over the military? As a president, he should have power. If he's fake he won't have power. We must now consider and decide on the given situation. We only want to discuss with the real president, so that it will be workable. If not, it will be only tactical move for us. That's why we need to wait and see, whether the president is genuine or fake."
As such, Aung Thaung's excuse of sporadic skirmishes, due to lack of a proper telecommunication system to relay the President's instruction to halt offensive on the KIA to the Burmese troops in the field, is totally unconvincing.
Thein Sein's progress in trying to polish his international standing could be said to be enormous, especially in accommodating Aung San Suu Kyi and NLD by widening the political space, even though major crucial points in the 2008 Constitution like military's right to be placed in a leading role position; 25% built-in seats allotment for the military in national, states and regions parliaments; military's right to declare emergency rule, whenever it feels national security is threatened and so on are not mentioned or discussed.
Accordingly, NLD is now allowed to be reregistered and would run for by-elections for 40 or more parliamentary vacant seats soon. In regional level, ASEAN has already endorsed Burma to chair in 2014, which it previously had surrendered following the crackdown on the saffron revolution. On top of this, Secretary of States, Hillary Clinton's historic visit to Burma, with the prospective opening up of ties with the US, a few weeks ago also has uplifted Burma's tattered legitimacy standing to a new height, which could eventually open previously closed doors, due to its gross human rights violations.
To date, Thein Sein regime has signed ceasefire agreement with four ethnic armed groups, United Wa State Army (UWSA), National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) and Shan State Army “South” (SSA-S), while negotiation is going on with the Shan State Army “North” (SSA-N) through the go-betweening of its former boss Gen Hso Ten, who was sentenced to 106 year imprisonment by Naypyitaw but released after serving 6 years.
Further talks have been going on with the Karen National Union (KNU), Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), Kachin National Organization (KNO) and Chin National Front (CNF), including the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), which Thein Sein regime is waging a major offensive.
And it is this double standard approach of ceasing hostilities on most all ethnic areas, while conducting a full scale war with a hundred or more battalions against the KIA, which makes the non-Burman ethnic armed groups doubtful of the regime’s sincerity to end the conflict.
Although there was a meeting between KIO and Burmese government representatives, in Ruili, Yunnan Province, China, on 29 November, no agreement could be reached, due to the fact that the KIO has insisted on political dialogue as a starting point, while the regime wanted to sign the ceasefire pact first, followed by establishing liaison offices, prior notification when entering each other’s territory, area development and finally union-level dialogue, used as a standard in negotiating with other ethnic armed groups.
After the breakdown of ceasefire agreement on 9 June, which has lasted some 17 years, due to the insistence of the Thein Sein regime to forcefully integrate the KIA into its Border Guard Force (BGF) plan under the Burma Army, several peace talks have been conducted between the two adversaries, without success.
The talks failed mainly because of the different political positioning. The KIO position has been the 1947 Panglong Agreement, guaranteeing the rights of all non-Burman ethnic nationalities in the multi-ethnic nation, which should serve as the basis for any agreement or political give-and-take. But the regime’s stance is to negotiate on the basis of the 2008 Constitution, which means the KIO needed to disarm its military wing, the KIA, aside from having to agree to the regime’s military supremacy position, without question.
Recently, Brig-Gen Gwan Maw, the deputy commander in chief of KIA, told DVB that a letter signed by U Aung Thaung, head of the national-level negotiating team, on 18 December. Accordingly, the government peace committee wanted to discuss political issues, and that eleven-man committee has been specifically formed to negotiate with the KIA, which also include U Aung Min, Minister of Railway and U Thein Zaw. The KIA is said to soon reply to the regime’s overtures.
According to The Mirror, the government owned newspaper, representatives from the DKBA and representatives from the union level of Thein Sein’s government met for the first time on 11 December, in Pa-an Town, Karen State. The DKBA was led by Major General Saw Lah Pwe and Burma government representative from union level was headed by Member of Parliament U Aung Thaung.
Both sides signed an agreement on the following points:
Confirm temporary agreements reached at the 3rd November preliminary meeting,
Not to separate Karen State from the Union of Burma,
Uphold the three main national causes, (a) Non-disintegration of the Union, (b) Non-disintegration of the National Solidarity and (c) Perpetuation of Sovereignty
Set up temporary base at Sone Zee Myaing and carry out local development for the DKBA’s Klo Htoo Baw soldiers families in the Sukali area,
Corporate with the government to eradicate [illicit] drugs and
Continue to hold further talks to build lasting peace.
Meanwhile, RFA reported that Sai Lao Hseng, spokesman for SSA-S said that its representatives met the Burmese counterparts in Tachilek, on 17 December, and agreed to proceed to union level discussion, sometime in January 2012. SSA-S has signed a state level ceasefire agreement, on 2 December, in Taunggyi, with the Shan State Peacemaking Body. It looks that the SSA-S forthcoming meeting might somehow produce the same result like what the DKBA has just agreed.
Given such a perplexed scenario, one couldn’t help to wonder, as to why Thein Sein does not opt for a nation-wide ceasefire and hold a collective meeting, encompassing all stakeholders, to solve the problem once and for all.
The answer to the question could be that the President is not his own man and has still to take orders from General Than Shwe, the retired strongman and real power behind the government; or he is a real reformer having to do the tightrope walking, so that the hardliners don’t feel threatened or offended in anyway; or he is just pretending to be a reformer, when in fact, he is protecting the privileged military top brass, to which he also belong, by helping them to fade away in dignity and as well, with all their acquired, ill-gotten wealth of the country.
The contributor is the General Secretary of Shan Democratic Union (SDU) - Editor
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အမ်ဳိးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ႏွင့္ ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ ယင္လတ္ရွင္နာဝါထရာတုိ႔ ဒီကေန႔ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၂၀ ရက္ေန႔က ရန္ကုန္ၿမဳိ႕ ျပည္လမ္းမွာရွိတဲ့ ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံဆုိင္ရာ သံအမတ္ႀကီးရဲ႕ေနအိမ္မွာ ညေန ၅း၄၅ ကေန ၆း၁၅ နာရီ အထိ နာရီဝက္ၾကာ ေတြ႕ဆုံ စကားေျပာခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။
Myanmar democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi with Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra during the meeting at Thai Embassy in Yangon, Myanmar, 20 December 2011. Yingluck Shinawatra attended a two-day summit of regional leaders in Burma's capital,Naypyidaw, and then travelled to Yangon to meet Suu Kyi at the Thai ambassador's residence.
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ငါတို႔လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးကိုဘယ္ေလာက္တန္ဖိုးထား ၾကသလဲေစာင့္သိရိုေသၾကသလဲ?
ကိုထိန္္လင္းရဲ႕ “ကြ်န္ေတာ္သန္းၾကြယ္သူေဌးၿဖစ္ခဲ့စဥ္က”ကို ဖတ္ရေတာ့ယူၾကံဳးမရၿဖစ္ရတဲ့အၿပင္ေတာ္ေတာ္ လဲသံ ေဝဂရခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ကြ်န္္ေတာ္တို႔ႏိုင္ငံမွာစစ္အာဏာရွင္စံနစ္ကိုတြန္းလွန္ဖို႔ၾကိဳးစားရင္း၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအဖြဲ႔ အစည္း ေတြ ၿပည္သူ႔အေရး၊ ဒီမိုကေရစီေရးေတြေပ်ာက္ကြယ္၊ ပန္းတိုင္ကိုေမ့ၿပီး ၊ ရန္သူကပင္မလုပ္တဲ့ ရက္ စက္မွဳအေပါင္းသရဖူေဆာင္း တဲ့အထိလူကိုလူလို႔မၿမင္ ေတာ့ဘဲ၊ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးအတြက္ တိုက္ပြဲ ဝင္ေနပါ တယ္ဆိုသူေတြကလူ႔အခြင္အေရးေတြကိုမ်က္ကြယ္ၿပဳ၊ လူေတြကို အဟိတ္တိရစၦာန္ေတြလိုအရိုင္း အစိုင္းေခတ္ ကအတိုင္းလူမဆန္တဲ့ႏွိပ္စက္နည္းေတြနဲ႔မေတြးဝံ့ေလာက္ေအာင္ ရက္ရက္စက္စက္ႏွိပ္စက္ၿပီး၊ အပစ္ရွိ ပါတယ္လို႔ ဝန္ ခံခိုင္း၊ ကမၻာ့အလယ္မွာလူရိုင္းတိုင္းၿပည္လိုၿပဳက်င့္ခဲ့တာေတြေၾကာင့္၊ ဗမာႏိုင္ငံကို တကယ္ ကယ္တင္ခ်င္ တယ္၊ တကယ္ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးကိုေလးစားတယ္၊ ၿပည္သူေတြအတြက္ရယူေပးခ်င္ပါ တယ္ဆိုတဲ့ သူေတြအား လံုးၾကပ္ၾကပ္အသဲထဲမွာစြဲေနေအာင္မွတ္သားထားၿပီး၊ ငါတို႔ဒီလိုအလုပ္မ်ိဳးေတြကိုဘယ္ေတာ့မွ မလုပ္ဘူးလို႔၊ မိမိကိုယ္ကိုမိမိ ေလးေလးနက္နက္ ဂတိၿပဳၿပီး စက္ဆုပ္ရြံရွာ စြာ စံနမူနာယူသင့္တယ္ လို႔တိုက္ တြန္းခ်င္ပါတယ္။
ကိုထိန္္လင္းရဲ႕ “ကြ်န္ေတာ္သန္းၾကြယ္သူေဌးၿဖစ္ခဲ့စဥ္က”ကို ဖတ္ရေတာ့ယူၾကံဳးမရၿဖစ္ရတဲ့အၿပင္ေတာ္ေတာ္ လဲသံ ေဝဂရခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ကြ်န္္ေတာ္တို႔ႏိုင္ငံမွာစစ္အာဏာရွင္စံနစ္ကိုတြန္းလွန္ဖို႔ၾကိဳးစားရင္း၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအဖြဲ႔ အစည္း ေတြ ၿပည္သူ႔အေရး၊ ဒီမိုကေရစီေရးေတြေပ်ာက္ကြယ္၊ ပန္းတိုင္ကိုေမ့ၿပီး ၊ ရန္သူကပင္မလုပ္တဲ့ ရက္ စက္မွဳအေပါင္းသရဖူေဆာင္း တဲ့အထိလူကိုလူလို႔မၿမင္ ေတာ့ဘဲ၊ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးအတြက္ တိုက္ပြဲ ဝင္ေနပါ တယ္ဆိုသူေတြကလူ႔အခြင္အေရးေတြကိုမ်က္ကြယ္ၿပဳ၊ လူေတြကို အဟိတ္တိရစၦာန္ေတြလိုအရိုင္း အစိုင္းေခတ္ ကအတိုင္းလူမဆန္တဲ့ႏွိပ္စက္နည္းေတြနဲ႔မေတြးဝံ့ေလာက္ေအာင္ ရက္ရက္စက္စက္ႏွိပ္စက္ၿပီး၊ အပစ္ရွိ ပါတယ္လို႔ ဝန္ ခံခိုင္း၊ ကမၻာ့အလယ္မွာလူရိုင္းတိုင္းၿပည္လိုၿပဳက်င့္ခဲ့တာေတြေၾကာင့္၊ ဗမာႏိုင္ငံကို တကယ္ ကယ္တင္ခ်င္ တယ္၊ တကယ္ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးကိုေလးစားတယ္၊ ၿပည္သူေတြအတြက္ရယူေပးခ်င္ပါ တယ္ဆိုတဲ့ သူေတြအား လံုးၾကပ္ၾကပ္အသဲထဲမွာစြဲေနေအာင္မွတ္သားထားၿပီး၊ ငါတို႔ဒီလိုအလုပ္မ်ိဳးေတြကိုဘယ္ေတာ့မွ မလုပ္ဘူးလို႔၊ မိမိကိုယ္ကိုမိမိ ေလးေလးနက္နက္ ဂတိၿပဳၿပီး စက္ဆုပ္ရြံရွာ စြာ စံနမူနာယူသင့္တယ္ လို႔တိုက္ တြန္းခ်င္ပါတယ္။
ၿမန္မာ့ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမိုင္းမွာ ဗမာၿပည္ကြန္ၿမဴနစ္ပါတီရဲ႕ၿဖဳတ္၊ထုတ္၊သတ္လမ္းစဥ္ဟာ ကြန္ၿမဴနစ္ေတြရဲ႕လမ္းစဥ္ ဟာ မင္းမဲ့ဝါဒနဲ႔ဘာမ်ားၿခားနားလို႔လဲလို႔ေမးခြန္းထုတ္ရတဲ့ကိန္းဆိုက္ခဲ့သလို၊ ၿမန္မာႏိုင္ငံလံုးဆိုင္ရာ ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ားဒီမိုကရက္တစ္တပ္ဦးဟာလည္းမင္းမဲ့စရိုက္နဲ႔ေက်ာက္ေခတ္ကိုၿပန္သြားမွာလား? ၿပည္သူေတြကို ဒီမိုကေရစီရေအာင္တိုက္ယူၾကမွာလား?ဆိုတာေၿမာက္ပိုင္းေအဘီအက္ဒီအက္ရဲ႕လူမဆန္တဲ့ႏွိပ္စက္ညွင္းပန္း သတ္ၿဖတ္မွဳကေမးခြန္းထုတ္လာရေတာ့တယ္။ ဒီလိုလုပ္ရပ္ေတြေၾကာင့္ၿပည္သူေတြရဲ႕ယုံၾကည္မွဳက်ဆင္းသြား ရတာမဆန္းဘူးလို႔ေၿပာရမွာဘဲ၊ ၿမန္မာ့ႏိုင္ငံေရးမွာအဓိကၿပသနာကကိုယ့္တပ္ကိုယ္ၿပန္နင္းတဲ့အက်င့္ဆိုးဘဲၿဖစ္ တယ္။ တရားဥပေဒေဘာင္အတြင္းကစစ္ေဆးၿပီးအပစ္ရွိရင္အပစ္ေပး၊ အပစ္မရွိရင္မရွိတဲ့အေလွ်ာက္လႊတ္တာ မ်ိဳးကိုေလးေလးနက္နက္မက်င့္သံုးသ၍ႏိုင္ငံေရးရည္မွန္းခ်က္ေတြနဲ႔ေဝးေနဦးမွာဘဲ။ အဓိကတရားဥပေဒကိုေတာထဲမွာမွိဳ႕လို႔၊ က်င့္သုံးဘို႔မလြယ္ဘူးဆိုတဲ့ဆင္ေခ်ေပးမေနဘဲ ၊ ေတာမွာၿဖစ္ၿဖစ္၊ ၿမိဳ႕မွာၿဖစ္ ၿဖစ္၊ တရားဥကေဒကိုလိုက္နာဘို႔လိုတယ္၊ တရားကိုေစာင့္သိၾကဘို႔လိုတယ္။ အလြန္စိတ္မေကာင္း ၿဖစ္ရတာက၊ ဗကပေတြရဲ႕အမွားကိုေႏွာင္းလူေတြၿဖစ္တဲ့ ေအဘီအက္ဒီအက္ကေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြသိရဲ႕ၿမင္ရက္နဲ႔ ဘာလို႔ပံုတူကူးခ်ရက္စက္ၿပရတာလဲဆိုတာဘဲၿဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီလုပ္ရပ္ဟာေက်ာင္းသားေတြရဲ႕လက္နက္ေတာ္လွန္ ေရးကိုပ်က္လိုပ်က္စီးလုပ္တာထက္ေက်ာ္လြန္ၿပီးလံုးဝက်ဆံုးသြားေအာင္ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ရွိသည္ၿဖစ္ေစ၊ မရွိသည္ ၿဖစ္ေစအေမွ်ာ္အၿမင္နည္းစြာနဲ႔လုပ္လိုက္တာလို႔ၿမင္တယ္။ စစ္အာဏာရွင္ေတြက ၿပည္သူေတြကို၊ လက္နက္နဲ႔ ဗိုလ္က်စိုးမိုးေနတာကို တိုက္္္ မဲ့သူေတြကိုယ္တိုင္ကကိုယ့္လက္ထဲမွာလက္နက္ေရာက္လာေတာ့၊ ရန္သူထက္ ဆိုးတဲ့ႏွိပ္စက္နည္းေတြနဲ႔ ကိုယ္လူအခ်င္းခ်င္းထဲမွာရန္သူ႔သူလွိ်ရွိတယ္ဆိုၿပီး၊ အပစ္ရွိသူ ၁၀၀ လြတ္ရင္လြတ္ ပါေစ၊ အပစ္မဲ့သူတေယာက္ အပစ္မက်ေစနဲ႔ဆိုတဲ့တရားသေဘာနဲ႔ဆန္႔က်င္ၿပီး အပစ္ရွိသူတေယာက္မိ ဘို႔ အပစ္မဲ့သူ ၁၀၀ သတ္ခ်င္သတ္ မယ္ဆိုတာၿဖစ္လာခဲ့တာေၾကာင့္တကယ့္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးသမားေတြေတာတြင္း ခံခဲ့ရတာပါ။
ဒီကိစၥမွာအဲဒီအခ်ိန္ကတာဝန္ယူထားတဲ့ထိပ္ပိုင္းေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြမွာလံုးဝတာဝန္ရွိတယ္၊ ဒီကိစၥကိုတေန႔ေန႔မွာ ေၿဖရွင္းၾကရမယ္၊ အဲဒီေန႔ဟာလည္းမၾကာခင္ေရာက္လာေတာ့မွာၿဖစ္တယ္၊ ဒီမုိကေရစီရရင္ေတာင္ ကိုယ့္တိုင္း ၿပည္ကိုယ္မၿပန္ရဲမဲ့လူေတြလဲရွိမွာပါ။
လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့အႏွစ္၂၀ ေလာက္ကကိစၥဟာ၊ အခ်ိန္ၾကာလာရင္ေပ်ာက္ကြယ္သြားမယ္လို႔ထင္ရင္ အမွားၾကီးမွားလိမ့္ မယ္။ ABSDF ဘာေၾကာင့္ဒီလိုၿဖစ္ခဲ့ရတာလဲ? ဘယ္သူ႔မွာတာဝန္ရွိသလဲေမးရင္တာဝန္အရွိဆံုးပုဂၢိဳလ္ေတြၿဖစ္ တဲ့ထိုစဥ္ကဥကၠဌတာဝန္ယူထားတဲ့သူေတြကရွင္းၿပႏိုင္ရင္ပိုေကာင္းမယ္။ ဒါမွ ေက်ာင္းသားေတာ္လွန္ေရး ၾကီးဘာေၾကာင့္မေအာင္မၿမင္ၿဖစ္ခဲ့ရတယ္ဖရိုဖရဲၿဖစ္ရတယ္ဆိုတာသိမယ္လို႔ယံုၾကည္ပါတယ္၊ အႏွစ္၂၀ေက်ာ္ ၾကာၿပီမို႔အားလံုးသိခြင့္ရွိတယ္လို႔ယံုၾကည္လို႔လဲၿဖစ္ပါတယ္၊ အဲဒီတုံးကဦးေဆာင္ခဲ့တဲ့သူေတြအေနနဲ႔ ဘာေၾကာင့္ဒီလိုအရုပ္ဆိုး အက်ဥ္းတန္မွဳေတြၿဖစ္ခဲ့ရတယ္၊ ဘယ္သူကဒီလုပ္ရပ္ကိုခြင့္ၿပဳခဲ့သလဲ?၊ ေအဘီဗဟိုကဒီလုပ္ရပ္ကိုခြင့္ၿပဳခဲ့တာလား? ေအဘီကခ်င္ကကိုယ့္ဘာသာကိုယ္လုပ္ခဲ့တာလား?။ ကိုယ္ေတြ႔အၿဖစ္မွန္မ်ားကိုသတၱိရွိရွိတင္ၿပၿပီးအမ်ားကစဥ္းစားၾကဘို႔ ၿဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ေအဘီဥကၠဌတေယာက္အေနနဲ႔ကိုယ္ေလးစားတန္ဘိုးထားတဲ့အဖြဲ႔ၾကီးအခုလိုကိုယ့္ရဲေဘာ္အခ်င္းခ်င္းသတ္တဲ့အထိအရုပ္ဆိုးအက်ဥ္းတန္တဲ့လုပ္ရပ္အတြက္အထူးဘဲစိတ္မေကာင္းၿဖစ္မိသလိုေရငံုႏွဳတ္ပိတ္အေနသင့္ဘူးလို႔ယူဆတဲ့အတြက္အခုလိုေရးသားလိုက္တာၿဖစ္တယ္၊
ကိုထိန္လင္းအေနနဲ႔အဲဒီတုံးကဘယ္သူေတြကညွင္းပန္းႏွိပ္စက္ခဲ့တယ္၊ ဘယ္သူကၿဖင့္အမိန္႔ေပးတယ္၊ အဓိကဦးေဆာင္သူေတြကိုနံမည္နဲ႔တကြေရးသားၿဖည့္စြက္ေပးပါလို႔ေၿပာခ်င္ပါတယ္။ အထူးေၿပာခ်င္တာကေတာ့ ABSDF မွာလက္ရွိတာဝန္ထမ္းေဆာင္ေနၾကတဲ့ရဲေဘာ္ေတြနဲ႔ ၊ ဒီလုပ္ရပ္ကို က်ဴးလြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ သူေတြနဲ႔မေရာယွက္ေစခ်င္ဘူး။ ဒီကိစၥနဲ႔ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ရန္သူလက္ေတြဝင္ေမႊလာမွာကိုလဲေတာ္ လွန္ေရးသတိရွိဘို႔လိုတယ္။ အခုလိုအေရးၾကီးေနတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ လက္ရွိတာဝန္ထမ္းေဆာင္ေနတဲ့ABSDF ကိုတိုက္ခိုက္ဘို႔ လက္နက္ကိုင္လမ္းစဥ္ကိုေသးသိမ္ေအာင္လုပ္ဘို႔လုပ္လာႏိုင္တယ္။
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းတို႔လူစစ္ၿပီးရဲေဘာ္သံုးက်ိတ္ဖြဲ႔ခဲ့တာေတာင္ရွဳေမာင္ ေခၚဗိုလ္ေနဝင္းလိုေလာက္ေကာင္ အာဏာရူးကကပ္ပါလာေသးတာဘဲ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ဘယ္သူကဘာဆိုတာမသိခင္ဝါးလံုးရွည္နဲ႔မယမ္းဘို႔လိုတယ္။ ABSDF ေက်ာင္းသားေတာ္လွန္ေရးကိုယံုယံုၾကည္ၾကည္နဲ႔လက္ရွိတာဝန္ထမ္းေဆာင္ေနတဲ့ ရဲေဘာ္ေတြကိုေတာ့မေစာ္ကားမိဘို႔လိုတယ္။
အားလံုးကိုေလးစားလွ်က္
ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအေပၚ စီးပြားေရးပိတ္ဆို႔ အေရးယူထားတာေတြ ျပန္လည္ ရုတ္သိမ္းလိုက္မယ္ ဆိုရင္ သာမန္ ျပည္သူလူထု အတြက္ အက်ိဳးေက်းဇူးေတြ ရရွိလာမယ္လို႔ ဟာသ သရုပ္ေဆာင္ ကိုဇာဂနာက ေျပာဆို လိုက္ေၾကာင္း Bloomberg သတင္းဌာနက ေဖၚျပပါတယ္။
႐ုပ္ရွင္ဒါ႐ိုက္တာႏွင့္ ဟာသသ႐ုပ္ေဆာင္ ဇာဂနာ ေခၚ ကိုသူရ။ (Photo: AFP)
အထူးသျဖင့္ အထည္ခ်ဳပ္ လုပ္ငန္း က႑မွာ ရင္းႏွီး ျမွဳပ္ႏွံခြင့္ေတြ ရရွိလာမယ္ ဆိုရင္ သာမန္ျပည္သူေတြ အက်ိဳးခံစားရမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္၊
စီးပြားေရး ပိတ္ဆို႔ အေရးယူထားတာေတြကို ရုတ္သိမ္းလိုက္မယ္ ဆိုရင္ ႏိုင္ငံျခား တိုင္းျပည္ေတြဆီက အကူအညီေတြ ပိုရလာမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္လို႕ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံ ဘန္ေကာက္ျမိဳ႕ကို ေရာက္ရွိေနတဲ့ ကိုဇာဂနာက ႏိုင္ငံျခား သတင္းေထာက္ေတြကို ေျပာၾကားခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ကမာၻ႔ဘဏ္ နဲ႕လည္း ေတြ႕ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ရာမွာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကို ကူညီ ေထာက္ပံ့မႈေတြ ေပးႏိုင္တဲ့ နည္းလမ္းေတြနဲ႕ ပတ္သက္ျပီး ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ေၾကာင္းလည္း ကိုဇာဂနာက ေျပာဆိုပါတယ္။
ကိုဇာဂနာနဲ႔ အဖြဲ႕ဟာ ရုပ္ရွင္လုပ္ငန္းနဲ႕ ပတ္သက္ျပီး အိမ္နီးခ်င္း ႏိုင္ငံေတြကို သြားေရာက္ ေလ့လာေရး ခရီးစဥ္ စတင္ေနပါတယ္။ ဒီခရီးစဥ္ဟာ သူ႕ရဲ႕ပထမဆံုး ျပည္ပခရီး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ကိုဇာဂနာ နဲ႕အဖြဲ႕ဟာ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံ ကေန ကေမာၻဒီးယားႏိုင္ငံ ကို ဆက္လက္ သြားေရာက္မွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
႐ုပ္ရွင္ဒါ႐ိုက္တာႏွင့္ ဟာသသ႐ုပ္ေဆာင္ ဇာဂနာ ေခၚ ကိုသူရ။ (Photo: AFP)
အထူးသျဖင့္ အထည္ခ်ဳပ္ လုပ္ငန္း က႑မွာ ရင္းႏွီး ျမွဳပ္ႏွံခြင့္ေတြ ရရွိလာမယ္ ဆိုရင္ သာမန္ျပည္သူေတြ အက်ိဳးခံစားရမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္၊
စီးပြားေရး ပိတ္ဆို႔ အေရးယူထားတာေတြကို ရုတ္သိမ္းလိုက္မယ္ ဆိုရင္ ႏိုင္ငံျခား တိုင္းျပည္ေတြဆီက အကူအညီေတြ ပိုရလာမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္လို႕ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံ ဘန္ေကာက္ျမိဳ႕ကို ေရာက္ရွိေနတဲ့ ကိုဇာဂနာက ႏိုင္ငံျခား သတင္းေထာက္ေတြကို ေျပာၾကားခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ကမာၻ႔ဘဏ္ နဲ႕လည္း ေတြ႕ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ရာမွာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကို ကူညီ ေထာက္ပံ့မႈေတြ ေပးႏိုင္တဲ့ နည္းလမ္းေတြနဲ႕ ပတ္သက္ျပီး ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ေၾကာင္းလည္း ကိုဇာဂနာက ေျပာဆိုပါတယ္။
ကိုဇာဂနာနဲ႔ အဖြဲ႕ဟာ ရုပ္ရွင္လုပ္ငန္းနဲ႕ ပတ္သက္ျပီး အိမ္နီးခ်င္း ႏိုင္ငံေတြကို သြားေရာက္ ေလ့လာေရး ခရီးစဥ္ စတင္ေနပါတယ္။ ဒီခရီးစဥ္ဟာ သူ႕ရဲ႕ပထမဆံုး ျပည္ပခရီး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ကိုဇာဂနာ နဲ႕အဖြဲ႕ဟာ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံ ကေန ကေမာၻဒီးယားႏိုင္ငံ ကို ဆက္လက္ သြားေရာက္မွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
credit here
By Francis Wade
Recent reforms in Myanmar don't address the country's brutal wars against ethnic minorities.
Clinton warned Myanmar to be wary of donors whose main interest is resource extraction [GALLO/GETTY]
When a team of health professionals reached the makeshift camps along the China-Myanmar border in September to meet with refugees displaced by fighting in Kachin State, they encountered a young boy whose tale symptomises how debased the wars in Myanmar's border regions have become.
The 15-year-old told staff from Physicians for Human Rights how he had been forced to walk in front of a Burmese army patrol, ensuring that he and not they took the full blast from any landmine hidden along the path.
"They asked me where I was from and they asked me if I was in school. I told them yes I was in 7th standard. And then they said nothing but made me show them the way. If I did not show them the way I was afraid of getting shot. When I finally got home I didn't want to eat because I was so afraid. I felt sick."
Clinton on historic visit to Myanmar
He is among more than 40,000 civilians who have been forced to flee their homes since fighting flared in June. Accounts from Kachin State suggest the intensity of fighting there and the level of brutality against civilians is on a scale not seen since a raft of ceasefire deals were signed between the Burmese government and ethnic armies in the late 1980s and early 1990s.
A subsequent Physicians for Human Rights report collects eye-witness testimonies of Burmese troops "firing indiscriminately into villages", while the Kachin Women's Association of Thailand has documented nearly 40 cases of rape by Burmese troops of ethnic women, including teenagers and the elderly, often by more than one soldier.
While shedding a crucial light on the human cost of these wars, what many of the local reports fail to acknowledge is their modern-day catalyst: Myanmar's rulers, implicitly encouraged by foreign investors, are pushing to secure these resource-rich areas for exploitation and as vital trade corridors to neighbouring China, India and Thailand. In a departure from the first wave of rebellions in 1948 that demanded independence for ethnic minorities along the country's eastern frontier, a business dynamic is increasingly at play here, one that has evolved in tandem with Myanmar's rise as a prized geostrategic asset for Southeast Asian nations and beyond.
Hillary visits Myanmar
Understanding that dynamic has never been more critical than now, shortly after US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's visit to Myanmar and amid a sense that the west's less-than-watertight blockade on companies entering the country is coming to an end. The story of the teenage minesweeper is one of a plethora that illuminate just how Myanmar is readying itself for business, and offer a sobering counterweight to President Obama's optimism that the "flickers of progress" in Myanmar are enough to pre-empt warmer relations.
Evidence of the ties that bind civil war to business abounds in these peripheral states, where egregious acts have long been committed by low-ranking soldiers of the Burmese military. Trained to cast the ethnic armies and their civilian untermensch as traitorous, the majority of these troops are probably unaware of what now brings them to the frontline; that the war has moved on from a bid to "unify" the disparate ethnic groups under one Myanmar umbrella, as successive juntas branded their military campaigns, to one that will see the countryside instead carved up and sold to foreign corporations.
National Geographic adeptly connected the dots between conflict and business in a recent map that showed the correlation between zones of displacement and large-scale energy projects, with many of the major army offensives over the past decade occurring in areas that host valuable energy resources, particularly the hydropower coveted by China. Anyone with a passing interest could see at a glance what policymakers appear to be ignoring.
That pattern continued this year when Burmese troops attacked Kachin Independence Army positions near the Taping Dam site in the country's northernmost state, before fighting spread to other hydropower projects. Beijing officials had quietly warned their Burmese counterparts before the assault to "maintain stability" around China's economic interests in the country, regardless of the 40,000-plus people cleared out of the way to ensure this. Similar upheavals occurred in March in Shan state, when Burmese battalions drove out rebels from the town of Hsipaw, through which the lucrative trans-Myanmar oil and gas pipelines will pass en route to a refinery in China.
It is on this cleared and "cleansed" land that a volley of western investment may soon land. While US and EU officials have stood strong in the face of questioning over the future of sanctions on Myanmar, the feeling now is that hands are working to prize the country open, and already officials from several major multinationals are assessing the climate there: The regional director for Caterpillar met with government officials in Naypyidaw in August to discuss facilitating gas exploration, while Commerzbank AG was among a delegation of German companies sniffing out opportunities in Rangoon last week.
Shell is also rumoured to be eyeing a stake in an offshore gas block south of Myanmar owned by Thailand's PTTE. Contrary to complaints from Naypyidaw that sanctions have crippled the economy, official data shows that a foreign investment boom is underway in Myanmar, with China largely accounting for a rise in FDI pledges from $300m in 2009/10 to $20bn last year.
Several analysts have speculated that by 2013, sanctions could be a receding memory. In a Reuters vox pop on Myanmar's investment future, staff from the oil supermajors - Chevron, Total and Exxon Mobil - variously responded that recent signs were "positive". Frances Zwenig, from the US-ASEAN Business Council, which represents the likes of Chevron and ExxonMobil, and which will be key to engineering public opinion on future western investment in Myanmar, told Bloomberg last week that times have changed from the days when companies were stigmatised for working there: "What we're looking at now is a new world where that might not be the case".
'A better friend than China'
Ending the blockade would have the dual effect of satisfying the business lobbyists who have long hungered for Myanmar's vast energy reserves, but also western politicians and strategists bent on outmuscling China as they claw their way back into the region.
Leading that charge is the US, which has busily pitched itself to the Burmese in recent months as a better friend than China. Clinton even used a speech in Seoul in November to warn developing countries to be "wary of donors who are more interested in extracting your resources than in building your capacity". Few needed the explicit reference to China to understand the US imperative of drawing Asia-Pacific states away from the clutches of Beijing, and into their own.
"[N]ew investment in military-ruled Myanmar's oil and gas sector could actually cost a company more than to stay away."
- EarthRights International
Notwithstanding the serious moral ramifications for companies investing there (were that a concern of big business), these conflicts will smoulder well into the future and thus make the investment climate risky.
The Washington DC-based EarthRights International released a statement in November 2009, long before Kachin State erupted in violence, warning energy multinationals that "[n]ew investment in military-ruled Myanmar's oil and gas sector could actually cost a company more than to stay away from the country", given the "unreasonably high reputation and material risks" of operating in conflict zones in the country. Moreover, with the billions of dollars generated by these ventures that is siphoned out of public spending coffers and into offshore accounts owned by the military, and which no amount of economic "reform" will put a stop to, the likelihood of directly financing repression is high.
While pro-investment lobbyists would argue that 2009 is different than now, the slew of reforms enacted by the nominally civilian government since it took office in March have largely been focussed on generating limited space for the political opposition, and do not adequately address violence against ethnic minorities. If, indeed, the perennial effort to pacify the millions living in Myanmar's hallowed borderlands is now driven by business interests, then the push underway to make Myanmar a market-oriented nation could well see the conflict ratcheted up, as this year has shown.
There is an irony, then, to the praise Clinton and others have heaped upon the reformists in Naypyidaw and their efforts to open the country up. These wars are intrinsic to the "new" Myanmar being encouraged by the international community, which berates the lack of individual freedoms and persecution of ethnic groups in the same breath that it calls for further progress in the political and economic spheres, regardless of the grisly shape this "reform" is taking.
The men and women who design policy towards Myanmar, and whose workloads are soon to soar, do so largely ignorant of the fact that the nascent transformation of this hermetic, pariah state into the new darling of international business carries a tremendous human cost.
Francis Wade is a journalist with the Democratic Voice of Burma, and has written this article from a personal capacity.
You can follow Francis Wade on Twitter @Francis_Wade
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Introduction
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The Rohingya are one of the most forgotten, persecuted, voiceless, and underrepresented peoples on earth. Their population is estimated to be more than 3 millions. Of them about 1.5 millions are in diasporas particularly in Bangladesh, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Malaysia, Thailand etc. They are still willing to return to their ancestral homeland of Arakan in Burma. Their settlement in Arakan dates back to latter part of 7th century A.D.
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WRITTEN BY ေဇ၀င္းေနာင္
ဒီမိုကေရစီသည္ ပန္ကာႏႇင့္ တူသည္ဟုထင္သည္။
သေဘာကြဲလြဲစရာ အျမင္ျဖစ္ႏုိင္ပါသည္။ ဒီထက္ပိုၿပီးရႇင္းေအာင္ ေျပာရလွ်င္ ဒီမိုကေရစီဆုိသည္မႇာ ကြၽန္ေတာ္ဖတ္ဖူးေသာ ဥာဏ္စမ္း ပေဟဠိထဲက ပန္ကာႏႇင့္ တူသည္ဟု ဆိုရမည္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
အခ်စ္သည္ ေလေျပ၊ ဘ၀ဆုိတာတုိက္ပြဲ ဘာညာစသည္ျဖင့္ တင္စားဖြင့္ဆိုမႈကို သံုးတတ္ၾကသလုိ ဒီမိုကေရစီကိုလည္း ေပါက္ကရ ဥပမာ ျဖင့္ တင္စားၾကည့္ျခင္း ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
အရႇင္းဆံုးျဖစ္ေအာင္ ေျပာဖို႔လုိပါလိမ့္မည္။ ငယ္ငယ္တုန္းက ဖတ္ဖူးေသာ ၪာဏ္စမ္းတစ္ပုဒ္ျဖစ္သည္။ ''ေရႇ႕ကၾကည့္လည္း ပန္ကာ၊ ေနာက္ ကၾကည့္လည္း ပန္ကာ၊ ေဘးကၾကည့္လည္း ပန္ကာ၊ ဘယ္လိုၾကည့္ၾကည့္ ပန္ကာ၊ ဒါေပမဲ့ မလည္တာဘာလဲ'' ဆိုေသာ ဥာဏ္စမ္းျဖစ္သည္။ ဥာဏ္ကလည္း ခပ္ထုိင္းထုိင္းမို႔ စဥ္းစားၾကည့္လည္း အေျဖထြက္မလာတာႏႇင့္ အေျဖလႇန္ၾကည့္ခဲ့သည္။ ပလပ္တပ္မထားေသာ ပန္ကာ၊ ပ်က္ေနေသာ ပန္ကာဟု ေရးထားသည္။ သိပ္ေတာ့လက္မခံခ်င္။ ဒါလူလည္က်တာပဲ။ဒါေတာ့ သူေျပာမႇလားဟု အဲဒီတုန္းက စဥ္းစားမိသည္။ အေျဖက မျပည့္စံုတာလည္း ျဖစ္ႏုိင္ပါသည္။ အခု ျပန္စဥ္းစားၾကည့္ေတာ့ ပန္ကာအစစ္ပင္ျဖစ္ေစကာမူ ပလပ္တပ္မထားလွ်င္၊ ပလပ္တပ္ထားေသာ္လည္း လွ်ပ္စစ္ဓာတ္အားမလာလွ်င္၊ ဓာတ္အားလာေသာ္လည္း ခလုတ္ဖြင့္မထားလ်င္၊ ခလုတ္ ဖြင့္ေသာ္လည္း ပ်က္ေနလွ်င္ ပန္ကာမည္ေသာ္လည္း မလည္။
ထုိ႔ေၾကာင့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီသည္ ပန္ကာႏႇင့္တူသည္ဟု ကြၽန္ေတာ္ ဆိုခ်င္ပါသည္။ မလည္ေသာ ပန္ကာဟုေတာ့ မဆိုခ်င္ပါ။ လည္ခ်င္လည္း လည္လို႔ရႏုိင္ေသာ ပန္ကာသာျဖစ္သည္ဟုသာ ယူဆပါသည္။
ဒီမိုကေရစီဆိုေသာအသံသည္ အခုတေလာ ေတာ္ေတာ္ညံေနပါသည္။ ယခုႏႇစ္အတြက္ သတင္းဂ်ာနယ္မ်ားတြင္ အေဖာ္ျပဆံုး၊ အထင္ရႇားဆံုး စာလံုး ၁၀ စာရင္းကိုေဖာ္ျပလွ်င္ နံပါတ္ႏႇစ္(ဒါမႇမဟုတ္) သံုး ေလာက္ေတာ့ ခ်ိတ္ႏုိင္ပါသည္။ ေျပာပါမ်ားေတာ့ 'ဟုံ' လာတတ္သည္ဟု ပင္ထင္မိပါသည္။ မူလပထမပင္ ရင္းအဓိပၸာယ္ကို ေမ့သြားမႇာပင္ စိုးမိသည္။
ဂရိစကား demokratía မႇလာ ေသာ dêmos ျပည္သူ၊ Kratos အာဏာဆိုေသာ စကားလံုးသည္ ျပည္သူ႔အုပ္စိုးမႈဆိုေသာ အဓိပၸာယ္ျဖင့္ ကမၻာတစ္လႊားတြင္ ေအာင္လံလႊင့္ေနခဲ့သည္မႇာ ၾကာခဲ့ၿပီျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ျပည္သူ႔အုပ္စိုးမႈစစ္ေလေလ ဒီမိုကေရစီ စစ္ေလေလဟု ေယဘုယ်ေျပာႏုိင္ပါသည္။ ဒါကို ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ပံုကေတာ့ အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးရႇိပါသည္။ ဂရိေခတ္ကလို လူတုိင္း (ထုိစဥ္က လူတုိင္းတြင္ အမ်ဳိးသမီးႏႇင့္ကြၽန္မ်ားမပါ) တက္ေရာက္ေဆြးေႏြးသလို ယေန႔ေခတ္မႇာေတာ့ ေဆြးေႏြး၍မရေတာ့။ သို႔ ျဖစ္ေသာေၾကာင့္ ကိုယ္စားျပဳ ဒီမိုကေရစီဆိုေသာ အသံုးအႏႈန္းျဖင့္ျပည္သူတို႔ကို ေဒသအလုိက္ ကိုယ္စားျပဳေပးသည့္ ကိုယ္စားလႇယ္မ်ားျဖင့္ ဖြဲ႔ေသာ လႊတ္ေတာ္တုိ႔သည္ ျပည္သူ႔အေရးလုပ္ေပးဖုိ႔ ေပၚလာၾကရသည္။(ၾကံဳ၍ ေျပာရမည္မႇာ ျပည္သူ႔အာဏာျဖစ္ေသာေၾကာင့္ ျပည္သူကိုယ္စား အာဏာပိုင္ထားရသူသည္ ျပည္သူ႔စိတ္တုိင္းက် ျပည္သူ႔ကြၽန္သာ ျဖစ္သည္ဆိုျခင္းကို ျဖစ္သည္)
ဂရိစကား demokratía မႇလာ ေသာ dêmos ျပည္သူ၊ Kratos အာဏာဆိုေသာ စကားလံုးသည္ ျပည္သူ႔အုပ္စိုးမႈဆိုေသာ အဓိပၸာယ္ျဖင့္ ကမၻာတစ္လႊားတြင္ ေအာင္လံလႊင့္ေနခဲ့သည္မႇာ ၾကာခဲ့ၿပီျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ျပည္သူ႔အုပ္စိုးမႈစစ္ေလေလ ဒီမိုကေရစီ စစ္ေလေလဟု ေယဘုယ်ေျပာႏုိင္ပါသည္။ ဒါကို ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ပံုကေတာ့ အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးရႇိပါသည္။ ဂရိေခတ္ကလို လူတုိင္း (ထုိစဥ္က လူတုိင္းတြင္ အမ်ဳိးသမီးႏႇင့္ကြၽန္မ်ားမပါ) တက္ေရာက္ေဆြးေႏြးသလို ယေန႔ေခတ္မႇာေတာ့ ေဆြးေႏြး၍မရေတာ့။ သို႔ ျဖစ္ေသာေၾကာင့္ ကိုယ္စားျပဳ ဒီမိုကေရစီဆိုေသာ အသံုးအႏႈန္းျဖင့္ျပည္သူတို႔ကို ေဒသအလုိက္ ကိုယ္စားျပဳေပးသည့္ ကိုယ္စားလႇယ္မ်ားျဖင့္ ဖြဲ႔ေသာ လႊတ္ေတာ္တုိ႔သည္ ျပည္သူ႔အေရးလုပ္ေပးဖုိ႔ ေပၚလာၾကရသည္။(ၾကံဳ၍ ေျပာရမည္မႇာ ျပည္သူ႔အာဏာျဖစ္ေသာေၾကာင့္ ျပည္သူကိုယ္စား အာဏာပိုင္ထားရသူသည္ ျပည္သူ႔စိတ္တုိင္းက် ျပည္သူ႔ကြၽန္သာ ျဖစ္သည္ဆိုျခင္းကို ျဖစ္သည္)
ဒီေနရာတြင္ပင္ ကိုယ္စားျပဳေပးမည့္သူမ်ားကို ခြဲေ၀မႈ၊ ေရြးေကာက္မႈ၊ ေရြးခ်ယ္မႈမႇာ ေခတ္အလိုက္၊ ႏုိင္ငံအလိုက္ ကြဲျပားမႈရႇိခဲ့သလုိ ရႇိလည္း ရႇိေနဆဲျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ဒီအခ်က္ကို အျငင္းမပြားလိုေသးပါ။ ေနာက္တစ္ခ်က္မႇာ ဒီမိုကေရစီ စနစ္ေအာက္တြင္ လူ႔ဘ၀ကိုရေသာေၾကာင့္ ရသင့္ရ ထိုက္သည့္ ကိစၥမ်ားျဖစ္သည္။ လြတ္လပ္စြာေျပာဆို ထုတ္ေဖာ္ပိုင္ခြင့္၊ လြတ္လပ္စြာယံုၾကည္ခြင့္၊ လြတ္လပ္စြာ ကိုးကြယ္ခြင့္ အစခ်ီေသာ ဒီမိုက ေရစီႏုိင္ငံသားတစ္ေယာက္၏ ေမြးရာပါ အခြင့္အေရးမ်ားကိစၥ ျဖစ္သည္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရးကာလတြင္ ကိုယ္စားျပဳသည့္ ကိုယ္ စားလႇယ္ ခြဲေ၀မႈပံုစံ၊ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အခြင့္အေရးတုိ႕သည္ အေျခခံအက်ဆံုး ေတာင္းဆိုေဆြးေႏြးဖြယ္ျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း ဒီထက္အေျခခံက်ေသာ အေၾကာင္းကိုသာ ဦးစြာေျပာရဦး မည္ထင္ပါသည္။
ပန္ကာမႇရယ္ မဟုတ္၊ ေလေအး ကိုေပးေသာ ဘယ္စက္ကိုသံုးသံုး လိုအပ္မည့္အေျခခံအရာကို စေျပာလုိျခင္းျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီရယ္ မဟုတ္၊ ဘယ္စနစ္ကိုသံုးသံုး လိုအပ္မည့္ အေျခခံလုိအပ္ခ်က္အေၾကာင္း ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ပန္ကာႏႇင့္ ေလေအးေပးစက္(Air Con) တို႔တြင္ ရႇိေသာ တူညီမႈမ်ားကို ယုတိၲေဗဒအရ ဘံုထုတ္ၾကည့္လွ်င္ ေအးျမမႈကိုေပးျခင္း၊ လွ်ပ္စစ္ဓာတ္အားကိုသံုးရျခင္း စသည္တို႔ကို ေတြ႔ႏုိင္ပါသည္။ ယခုေျပာလိုသည္မႇာ ယင္းသို႔ေသာ ဘံုထုတ္ၾကည့္၍ရႏုိင္ေသာ လိုအပ္ခ်က္အေၾကာင္း ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
မျဖစ္မေနလိုအပ္ေသာ၊ တုိးတက္မႈအတြက္ လိုအပ္ေသာ လိုအပ္ခ်က္မ်ားအေၾကာင္းကို ရႇင္းသည့္ေနရာမႇာ စိတ္ပညာရႇင္ ေအဘရာဟင္မ္ မက္စလို၏ လုိအပ္ခ်က္ အဆင့္ဆင့္ျပ ပိရမစ္ပံုဇယား (Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs) က စာျဖင့္ျပသည္ထက္ ပိုရႇင္းမည္ဟု ထင္ပါသည္။ အဆင့္ဆင့္ခဲြျပထားပံုကို အေပၚတြင္ပါေသာပံုတြင္ ၾကည့္ႏိုင္ပါသည္။
အေျခခံလိုအပ္ခ်က္မ်ားသာ မျပည့္စံုလွ်င္ျဖင့္ ဆိုးရြားေသာ မႏႇစ္ၿမိဳ႕ေသာ ခံစားခ်က္မ်ားမႇသည္ ၀မ္းနည္းဖြယ္ အက်ဳိးဆက္မ်ားဆီသို႔ ဦးတည္သြားႏိုင္သည္ ...
မျဖစ္မေန လိုကိုလုိေသာ လိုအပ္ခ်က္မ်ား((Deficiency Needs (D-needs) )ႏႇင့္ တိုးတက္မႈအတြက္ လိုအပ္ေသာ လုိအပ္ခ်က္မ်ား(သို႔မဟုတ္)ျဖစ္တည္မႈအတြက္ လိုအပ္ခ်က္မ်ား(Growth Needs or Being Need(B needs) ) ဟူ၍ ႏႇစ္မ်ဳိးခြဲထားပါသည္။ မျဖစ္မေန လိုကိုလုိအပ္ေသာ လိုအပ္ခ်က္မ်ားမႇစေျပာရပါမည္။
ေအာက္ဆံုးအဆင့္မႇာ အသက္႐ႇဴမႈ၊ အစားအစာ၊ ေရ၊ လိင္ကိစၥ၊ အိပ္စက္နားေနမႈ၊ ေဆာက္တည္ရာရမႈမႇသည္ အညစ္အေၾကးစြန္႔ထုတ္ မႈအထိ ပါသည္။ ဒီကိစၥသည္ သူ႔ဘာသာသူျဖစ္သည့္ လိုအပ္ခ်က္ေတြပဲဟုေတာ့ မထင္ေစလိုပါ။ အသက္႐ႇဴၾကပ္လႇေသာ ဘတ္စကားထဲမႇ ဗိုက္ ဆာဆာႏႇင့္ ဆင္းလာစဥ္မႇာ ေနကပူ၊ ေရကငတ္၊ ဗိုက္ကနာ၊ အိမ္သာက အလြယ္တကူရႇာမရသည့္ ဘ၀မ်ဳိးသည္ ယင္းလိုအပ္ခ်က္မ်ား မျပည့္၀ မႈကို ေဖာ္ညႊန္းသည့္ နမူနာလူသားပံုစံ ျဖစ္သည္။ ဒီေအာက္ဆံုးအခ်က္ေတြ ဦးစြာ အဆင္ေျပေစေရးကို စလုပ္ရမည္ဟု ထင္ပါသည္။ ထမင္းတစ္ လုတ္စားရဖို႔ ခက္ျခင္းမႇသည္ ဗုိက္နာ၍ အိမ္သာရႇာမရေသာ၊ ေန႔စဥ္ သြားေနက်ခရီးကိုပင္ စိတ္လက္ခ်မ္းသာစြာ မသြားေရာက္ႏုိင္ေသာ ဘ၀ မ်ဳိးသည္ အေျခခံအက်ဆံုး လိုအပ္ခ်က္ပင္ မျပည့္စံုေသးေသာဘ၀ဆိုသည္ကို ကြၽန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ အမႇတ္ရဖုိ႔ လုိပါသည္။ ဒါသည္ ႐ုပ္ပိုင္းဆုိင္ရာ အေျခ ခံလိုအပ္ခ်က္မွ်သာ ရႇိပါေသးသည္။
ေနာက္တစ္ခ်က္က ဘ၀လံုျခံဳမႈဆိုင္ရာ လုိအပ္ခ်က္မ်ားျဖစ္သည္။ ခႏၶာကိုယ္၊ အလုပ္အကိုင္၊ က်န္းမာေရးႏႇင့္ လူမႈပတ္၀န္းက်င္ ဘ၀လံုျခံဳမႈျဖစ္သည္။ အလုပ္မရႇိေသာ၊ ဒီကေန႔အလုပ္ရႇိေသာ္လည္း မနက္ျဖန္အတြက္ မေသခ်ာေသာ၊ ကိုယ္သန္တုန္းျမန္တုန္း အေၾကာင္းမဟုတ္ေသာ္လည္း အလုပ္မလုပ္ႏုိင္ေတာ့ ခ်ိန္တြင္ ထမင္းပင္နပ္မႇန္ရန္ မေသခ်ာေသာ၊ ေရာဂါျဖစ္လွ်င္မကုႏိုင္မႇာ ေသခ်ာေသာ၊ ကိုယ့္ခႏၶာကိုယ္ပင္ မလံုျခံဳေသာ (တိုနံ႔နံ႔ႏႇင့္ ဟိုေပၚဒီေပၚ မလံုျခံဳျခင္းကို မဆိုလိုပါ) ဘ၀မ်ားသည္ ဘ၀လံုျခံဳမႈဆိုေသာေအာက္ဆံုးနားက လုိအပ္ခ်က္ပင္ မျပည့္စံုေသးေသာ အေျခအေနျဖစ္ပါသည္။
ေအာက္မႇေရၾကည့္လွ်င္ တတိယအဆင့္တြင္ရႇိသည္က လူမႈေရးလုိအပ္ခ်က္၊ ခ်စ္ျခင္းေမတၲာႏႇင့္ပတ္သက္ေသာ လိုအပ္ခ်က္မ်ားျဖစ္ပါသည္။ မိတ္ေဆြအေပါင္းအသင္း၊ မိသားစုဘ၀၊ ဆြတ္ပ်ံ႕ဖြယ္ သံေယာဇဥ္ စသည္တုိ႔ ျဖစ္သည္။ ဒီအခ်က္မ်ားကေတာ့ လူမႈဘ၀ကို တန္ဖိုးထားေသာ ဒီႏုိင္ငံမႇာ အေတာ္အတန္ ျပည့္စံုသည္ဟု ဆုိႏုိင္ပါသည္။ သို႔ေပမဲ့ ပထမဆင့္ လိုအပ္ခ်က္ႏႇစ္ခုအတြက္ အခ်စ္ကို စေတးလုိက္ရသူမ်ား၊ မိသား စုဘ၀အတြက္ တန္ဖိုးထားရာကို ရင္းလုိက္ၾကသူမ်ား၊ လိုအပ္ခ်က္မ်ားအတြက္ မိတ္ေဆြအေပါင္းအသင္းကို ေရာင္းစားရက္သူမ်ား ေပါမ်ားလာျခင္းကေတာ့ ျပည့္စံုၿပီးသား လုိအပ္ခ်က္တစ္ခုပင္ ျပန္လည္ေလ်ာ့ရဲလာၿပီဟု ဆိုရမလိုျဖစ္ေနသည္။
ဒီသံုးခ်က္စလံုး ျပည့္စံုၿပီဆိုလွ်င္ျဖင့္ မိမိကိုယ္ကိုယ္ ေလးစားယံုၾကည္ႏိုင္ေသာ အေျခအေနရႇိမႈ၊ သူတစ္ပါးက ေလးစားယံုၾကည္မႈ၊ အျပန္အလႇန္ အေလးဂ႐ုျပဳမႈစတာေတြ ပါ၀င္ေသာအဆင့္ကို လိုအပ္လာၿပီျဖစ္သည္။ ဒီအခ်က္မႇာေတာ့ လူ႔အဖြဲ႕အစည္းက အဓိကက်သည္ဟု ထင္ပါသည္။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ လူ႔အဖြဲ႔အစည္းသည္ အသိအမႇတ္ျပဳရမႇာ ေၾကာက္တတ္၊ ေနရာေပးရမႇာ ေၾကာက္တတ္၊ ခ်ီးေျမႇာက္ရမႇာ ေၾကာက္တတ္ေသာ စ႐ိုက္ဆိုးကုိ ႏႇစ္ရႇည္လမ်ား ႐ိုက္ သြင္းခံထားရသလို ျဖစ္ေနသည္။ လူတစ္ကိုယ္စာကိုယ္ပင္ အျပည့္အ၀ ေနရာမေပးခ်င္တတ္။ ဟိုးအထက္ကေန ေအာက္အထိ ျပင္ဖုိ႔လုိေသာ ကိစၥျဖစ္သည္။ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈပိုင္းကေန ဘတ္စကားေပၚမႇာအထိ ျပင္ရမည့္ကိစၥျဖစ္သည္။ ႏႇစ္ေယာက္ႏႇင့္ တင္ပါးတစ္ျခမ္းသာဆံ့ေသာ ထိုင္ခံုကို သံုးေယာက္ က်ပ္ညပ္ထုိင္ခိုင္းတတ္သည့္ အက်င့္၊ သူႀကီးဘုရား ရြာသားေကာင္းမႈျဖစ္ေအာင္ လုပ္တတ္သည့္ အက်င့္ဆုိးမ်ဳိး ျဖစ္သည္။
ဒီအေျခခံ လိုအပ္ခ်က္တို႔ကို ျဖည့္ဆည္းေပးေရးသည္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရး လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနသည္ဆုိေသာ ကာလႏႇင့္တစ္ေျပးညီ လုပ္ရမည့္ကိစၥျဖစ္သည္။ သို႔မႇသာ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ပန္ကာျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ ဘာကေရစီ အဲကြန္းႀကီးပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ အလုပ္လုပ္မႇာျဖစ္သည္။
မက္ဆလိုကေတာ့ ေျပာပါသည္။ ဒီအေျခခံ လိုအပ္ခ်က္မ်ားသာ မျပည့္စံုလွ်င္ျဖင့္ ဆိုးရြားေသာ မႏႇစ္ၿမိဳ႕ေသာ ခံစားခ်က္မ်ားမႇသည္ ၀မ္းနည္းဖြယ္ အက်ဳိးဆက္မ်ားဆီသို႔ ဦးတည္သြားႏုိင္သည္ဟု။
အေျခခံလိုအပ္ခ်က္မ်ား၏ အေပၚဆံုးတြင္ေတာ့ တိုးတက္မႈလို အပ္ခ်က္မ်ားက ရႇိပါေသးသည္။ ကိုယ္က်င့္သီလ၊ တီထြင္ဖန္တီးႏုိင္စြမ္း၊ျပႆနာေျဖရႇင္းႏုိင္စြမ္း၊ အဂတိကင္းစင္မႈ စသည္တုိ႔ျဖစ္သည္။ ဒါမႇသာ အတၱအစစ္အမႇန္ျဖစ္မႈဆိုသည္မႇာ ရႇိလာႏုိင္ၿပီး တိုးတက္ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးမႈဆုိသည္မႇာ ရႇိလာမည္ဟု မက္ဆလိုက ဆိုပါသည္။ အနတၱသာရႇိသည္ဟုေတာ့ မေျပာေစလုိပါ။ ေလာကီေရးအရဆိုသည့္ သေဘာသာျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ဒီလိုအပ္ခ်က္ေတြ ျပည့္စံုမႇသာ ဘာ စနစ္ႏႇင့္သြားသြား လည္ႏုိင္မႇာျဖစ္သည္။ ပန္ကာလည္း ရႇိၿပီ၊ မီးလည္း လာၿပီဆိုပါမႇ အျမန္ႏႈန္းကို အတိုးအေလ်ာ့လုပ္ၿပီး သံုးႏုိင္မႇာျဖစ္သည္။ ဒီႏႇစ္ခုစလံုးရႇိလ်က္ႏႇင့္ မလည္ေသးလွ်င္လည္း ပ်က္၊ မပ်က္ျပန္စစ္ကာ ပ်က္လွ်င္ ျပင္ရပါမည္။ ဒီကိစၥအတြက္ စြမ္းႏုိင္သူတို႔၊ အာဏာပိုင္သူတို႔တြင္ အဓိကတာ၀န္ရႇိသည္ဟု ဆိုခ်င္ပါသည္။
ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေျပာခဲ့သလို ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔လည္း ကြၽန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ 'ေစာက္က်င့္' ေတြကို ျပင္ၾကရပါမည္။
သို႔မႇာသာ ဒီမိုကေရစီပန္ကာ ႀကီးခ်ာခ်ာလည္ၿပီး အေအးဓာတ္ ေပးႏုိင္ပါလိမ့္မည္။ (
စာႂကြင္း - ပန္ကာကို မိမိဖက္မႇ အျမင္ျဖင့္ တည့္တည့္ၾကည့္လွ်င္ ဘယ္ ဖက္ကို လည္သလား၊ ညာ ဖက္ကို လည္သလားဆိုသည္ကို သတိထားမိပါလိမ့္မည္။ ပန္ကာသည္ မိမိဖက္မႇ မ်က္ႏႇာခ်င္းဆိုင္ၾကည့္လွ်င္ နာရီလက္တံလည္သလို လက္ယာရစ္လည္ပါသည္။ လက္၀ဲ ရစ္ေနာက္ ျပန္ျပန္မလည္ပါ။ ထုိ႔အတူ ဒီမိုကေရစီသာ ပန္ကာျဖစ္လွ်င္ ေနာက္ျပန္ လည္မရ၊ ေနာက္ျပန္ မလည္ေတာ့ဟု ကြၽန္ေတာ္ယူဆပါသည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီသည္ ပန္ကာႏႇင့္တူသည္ဟု စကားဦးသမ္းရျခင္း ျဖစ္ပါသည္)
credit here
War on Kachin rebels has intensified but gone entirely unnoticed, with abuses overshadowed by drive for political reform
Tania Branigan in Ruili on China-Burma border
A Kachin Independence Army soldier with rocket launcher shops for a mobile phone. Kachin civilians have reported human rights abuses by government troops. Photograph: Hitoshi Katanoda/Polaris / eyevine
The villagers scattered as machine guns raked the darkness, fleeing from the Burmese troops into the thick of the jungle. When day came they crept from their hiding places to find each other.
Nu La could not see his wife until he followed the wail of their two-week-old baby. Her body lay close to her son, between two large rocks, slumped to the right. The slash wound that killed her ran all the way from one side of her chest to the other.
The mother of four was a casualty of a brutal six-month conflict between the Burmese government and ethnic minority rebels from Kachin, a state in northern Burma bordering China. This is a war that has killed and maimed countless civilians and caused 30,000, probably more, to flee, yet has gone almost entirely unnoticed, as the outside world chooses instead to focus on the possibility of a Burmese thaw and rapprochement with the generals. As Hillary Clinton visited the country last month – and as William Hague prepares for a rare official visit to Burma early in the new year, fighting has intensified in Kachin.
"There's so much focus on political reforms from the international perspective, but human rights abuses that are continuing are being ignored. It doesn't fit into the narrative," said Lynn Yoshikawa of Refugees International, who visited the region this month.
The government announced a ceasefire last week, but sources in Kachin areas said clashes continued. Among the allegations made by Kachin civilians interviewed by the Guardian along the Chinese-Burma border were:
•Burmese troops attacked villages without warning, injuring and killing civilians.
•Numerous civilians vanished in areas occupied by the military.
• Soldiers pillaged homes and forced villagers to carry away their plunder.
• Troops subjected men to brutal interrogations.
• Chemical agents were used around one village, possibly to push people out of the area.
Groups including Human Rights Watch, Physicians for Human Rights and Partners Relief and Development have also gathered numerous accounts of abuses. Organisations say that while the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) has also committed violations, government soldiers are responsible for the vast majority.
"Abuses have been extreme and have been a rallying point for people to back the Kachin Independence Organisation [political wing of the KIA], now more than ever. Support for the KIO is really at a peak," said Yoshikawa.
"Troops know they won't be held accountable for serious violations of the laws of war," said David Mathieson, Burma researcher for Human Rights Watch, noting that similar military behaviour had been documented around the country.
"It's like a set menu of abusive practices: forced labour, torture and the destruction of property and livelihoods."
The longrunning conflict is one of many between the Burmese state and ethnic groups which reignited two years ago as the government sought to extend its hold. Skirmishes between government troops and the KIA erupted into outright conflict this June, ending a 17-year ceasefire.
"The resumption of fighting in Kachin areas … is the most serious threat to peace in Myanmar," a recent International Crisis Group report warned.
"The KIO was the group that approached the ceasefire with probably the greatest strategic thought, and they went very far in co-operating with the military government's roadmap. The consequences of that ceasefire failing are grave."
No one has felt those consequences more acutely than Nu La and his family, who fled with fellow villagers as the Burmese army approached early this month.
Troops stumbled across them as they sheltered in a jungle camp overnight. When Nu La got up to see what was happening, soldiers fired four shots towards him and a mortar before shouting in Burmese and Kachin: "Don't flee!"
The families were too frightened to comply.
"It was like a battle. Then the machine guns came," Nu La said. "The shooting was for around 15 minutes. They shot and we fled … We were all afraid and ran in different directions."
He wept as he described finding his wife of 15 years the next morning. Beside him, their eight-year-old daughter dandled her baby brother in an imitation of motherhood.
Another neighbour was wounded by gunfire and two more are missing, Nu La said. One was holding her four-year-old daughter when she was shot in the leg.
"Her daughter said [the soldiers] injected medicine into the woman and took her away. I saw pieces of her clothes on the way. I don't know what happened to her," he added.
Map of Burma
Mathieson said many disappearances suggested forced labour or interrogation, and that there were concerns women had been abducted to be abused. The Kachin Women Association of Thailand has logged around 40 cases of alleged rape or sexual abuse by soldiers.Another civilian gave a detailed account of a November assault on settlements between KIA and Burmese military lines. Hkun Awng described a four-day attack, with the army firing what he believed were chemical agents into areas around their villages – possibly to force them further and further out of the territory.
"With the one that explodes on the ground the smoke is black and everything afterwards is black. It was like you had poured engine oil on the ground … The grass and leaves and bark were all completely black.
"With the other it explodes in the air. They shoot two [shells] together: one with white cloudy smoke and the other with brown smoke."
When villagers went to investigate, children and the elderly were immediately affected, he said, and others more gradually."The throat dries up. It feels like wanting to cough. You feel nauseous and want to vomit and your body weakens."
Experts said the nature of the substances was unclear. Anti-crop agents would usually take days or weeks to work. While CS gas makes some individuals nauseous, irritant effects usually predominate, said Alastair Hay, professor of environmental technology at Leeds University.
CS gas and other riot control agents can be used in civil disturbances but are forbidden in warfare under the 1997 Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC), which Burma has signed but not ratified. Professor Julian Robinson, an expert on chemical weapons at Sussex University, said allegations of Burmese use were "both numerous and – at least to my mind – unresolved".
There have been widespread claims of brutal interrogations and Zahkung Nu Nu, from a Kachin area of northern Shan state, said she witnessed a neighbour's torture in early September. The 18-year-old civilian was singled out by troops who halted her party of villagers as they fled.
"They poured water over him and then covered his head with a plastic bag so he was struggling to breathe. They did it for about 10 or 15 minutes, then pulled it off and beat him, then poured water and covered his head, again and again.
"They were asking questions like 'Are you KIA?' He said no, I'm a civilian. He said it again and again and they didn't believe him," she said.
The torture ended after two hours when a soldier who knew the man's parents intervened, she said.
Other villagers, whom she met on a surreptitious return to her home, told her they had been forced to act as porters – perhaps the fate of her husband, too; she has not seen him since their chaotic escape.
"They had to carry their belongings and the belongings of villagers. I went hoping to bring back my things, but when I arrived at my house, nothing was left," she added, describing how everything from cooking pots and rice to traditional clothes had vanished.
A headman from another area said that even before the ceasefire ended, troops had forced villagers to log trees and carry loads of bricks for their base, paying small sums or nothing at all.
He added that the fighting was much worse than in previous outbreaks. Troops were using mortars as well as guns and firing more often.
"They just used people to show them the way or forced them to be porters," he said.
"During the current fighting it's very different: when they see civilians, they know they are civilians, but they shoot and kill them."
His own son has been missing for more than three weeks, but no one dares to return to look for him.Some witnesses complained that troops seemed to assume all Kachin were KIA members or active supporters.
"In other cases it is clear they have simply gone into an area and shelled the village and watched people run away – and then quite often destroyed food and made the area uninhabitable. They create huge areas which are free fire zones and basically shoot on sight," said Mathieson.
"It is not necessarily to kill people but to drive them away, to deny support [for the KIA] and tie up their resources as people flee into their areas."
The Guardian has changed the names and withheld details of interviewees, because they fear retaliation.
Burmese authorities did not respond to questions. An official at the embassy in Beijing said that information on Kachin was available from state media and that the foreign ministry was busy preparing for a summit.
The government has signed deals with other ethnic groups in recent weeks and has met Kachin representatives for discussions, bringing hope for a resolution.
Aung Thaung, the minister of industry and head of the Union Level Peace-Making Group, said on Friday that the government wanted "everlasting peace" and hoped to sign agreements with all ethnic groups within three years.
Asked why troops had not followed the presidential order to withdraw from combat with the Kachin, he told Reuters there might be skirmishes due to problems communicating with troops in remote areas.
In another possible sign of progress Unicef and UNHCR officials last week were allowed to visit Majiayang, where many of the displaced Kachin have fled. The World Food Programme has been able to visit only government-controlled areas, but hopes it may now be able to extend its programme – at least until funding for Burma runs out, in February.
A Kachin volunteer said psychological issues were as acute as food shortages and health problems, with traumatised families further distressed by recent fighting. "People are crying in their mind," she said. When they hear gunshots, "they are frightened and want to escape again".
Ceasefire strains
The Burmese government has been in conflict with ethnic minorities such as the Kachin, Karen and Shan since independence in 1948. Longstanding ceasefires collapsed two years ago as it tried to bring their militias under national army control and while President Thein Sein promised this spring to make the issue a national priority, an upsurge in fighting followed.
In recent weeks authorities have reached ceasefires or deals with several groups. But the Kachin are particularly wary. The Kachin Independence Organisation – allied to the Kachin Independence Army – agreed to participate in the government's political roadmap in the 1990s and co-operated even when its proposals were ignored. Yet Kachin candidates were blocked from standing in 2010's elections and the government became increasingly hostile, declaring the ceasefire null and void.
Kachin grievances have been exacerbated by government-backed projects that displaced inhabitants and brought them little benefit: "With the [Myitsone] dam, mining, other infrastructure – there's a sense of being politically marginalised and exploited at the same time," said David Mathieson of Human Rights Watch.
The government surprised many by axing the massive Chinese hydropower project in September, but the International Crisis Group warned that did not solve the underlying problems. A recent report praised the president's bold peace initiative but warned that the most difficult deal to reach might well be with the KIO.
Tania Branigan in Ruili on China-Burma border
A Kachin Independence Army soldier with rocket launcher shops for a mobile phone. Kachin civilians have reported human rights abuses by government troops. Photograph: Hitoshi Katanoda/Polaris / eyevine
The villagers scattered as machine guns raked the darkness, fleeing from the Burmese troops into the thick of the jungle. When day came they crept from their hiding places to find each other.
Nu La could not see his wife until he followed the wail of their two-week-old baby. Her body lay close to her son, between two large rocks, slumped to the right. The slash wound that killed her ran all the way from one side of her chest to the other.
The mother of four was a casualty of a brutal six-month conflict between the Burmese government and ethnic minority rebels from Kachin, a state in northern Burma bordering China. This is a war that has killed and maimed countless civilians and caused 30,000, probably more, to flee, yet has gone almost entirely unnoticed, as the outside world chooses instead to focus on the possibility of a Burmese thaw and rapprochement with the generals. As Hillary Clinton visited the country last month – and as William Hague prepares for a rare official visit to Burma early in the new year, fighting has intensified in Kachin.
"There's so much focus on political reforms from the international perspective, but human rights abuses that are continuing are being ignored. It doesn't fit into the narrative," said Lynn Yoshikawa of Refugees International, who visited the region this month.
The government announced a ceasefire last week, but sources in Kachin areas said clashes continued. Among the allegations made by Kachin civilians interviewed by the Guardian along the Chinese-Burma border were:
•Burmese troops attacked villages without warning, injuring and killing civilians.
•Numerous civilians vanished in areas occupied by the military.
• Soldiers pillaged homes and forced villagers to carry away their plunder.
• Troops subjected men to brutal interrogations.
• Chemical agents were used around one village, possibly to push people out of the area.
Groups including Human Rights Watch, Physicians for Human Rights and Partners Relief and Development have also gathered numerous accounts of abuses. Organisations say that while the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) has also committed violations, government soldiers are responsible for the vast majority.
"Abuses have been extreme and have been a rallying point for people to back the Kachin Independence Organisation [political wing of the KIA], now more than ever. Support for the KIO is really at a peak," said Yoshikawa.
"Troops know they won't be held accountable for serious violations of the laws of war," said David Mathieson, Burma researcher for Human Rights Watch, noting that similar military behaviour had been documented around the country.
"It's like a set menu of abusive practices: forced labour, torture and the destruction of property and livelihoods."
The longrunning conflict is one of many between the Burmese state and ethnic groups which reignited two years ago as the government sought to extend its hold. Skirmishes between government troops and the KIA erupted into outright conflict this June, ending a 17-year ceasefire.
"The resumption of fighting in Kachin areas … is the most serious threat to peace in Myanmar," a recent International Crisis Group report warned.
"The KIO was the group that approached the ceasefire with probably the greatest strategic thought, and they went very far in co-operating with the military government's roadmap. The consequences of that ceasefire failing are grave."
No one has felt those consequences more acutely than Nu La and his family, who fled with fellow villagers as the Burmese army approached early this month.
Troops stumbled across them as they sheltered in a jungle camp overnight. When Nu La got up to see what was happening, soldiers fired four shots towards him and a mortar before shouting in Burmese and Kachin: "Don't flee!"
The families were too frightened to comply.
"It was like a battle. Then the machine guns came," Nu La said. "The shooting was for around 15 minutes. They shot and we fled … We were all afraid and ran in different directions."
He wept as he described finding his wife of 15 years the next morning. Beside him, their eight-year-old daughter dandled her baby brother in an imitation of motherhood.
Another neighbour was wounded by gunfire and two more are missing, Nu La said. One was holding her four-year-old daughter when she was shot in the leg.
"Her daughter said [the soldiers] injected medicine into the woman and took her away. I saw pieces of her clothes on the way. I don't know what happened to her," he added.
Map of Burma Mathieson said many disappearances suggested forced labour or interrogation, and that there were concerns women had been abducted to be abused. The Kachin Women Association of Thailand has logged around 40 cases of alleged rape or sexual abuse by soldiers.Another civilian gave a detailed account of a November assault on settlements between KIA and Burmese military lines. Hkun Awng described a four-day attack, with the army firing what he believed were chemical agents into areas around their villages – possibly to force them further and further out of the territory.
"With the one that explodes on the ground the smoke is black and everything afterwards is black. It was like you had poured engine oil on the ground … The grass and leaves and bark were all completely black.
"With the other it explodes in the air. They shoot two [shells] together: one with white cloudy smoke and the other with brown smoke."
When villagers went to investigate, children and the elderly were immediately affected, he said, and others more gradually."The throat dries up. It feels like wanting to cough. You feel nauseous and want to vomit and your body weakens."
Experts said the nature of the substances was unclear. Anti-crop agents would usually take days or weeks to work. While CS gas makes some individuals nauseous, irritant effects usually predominate, said Alastair Hay, professor of environmental technology at Leeds University.
CS gas and other riot control agents can be used in civil disturbances but are forbidden in warfare under the 1997 Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC), which Burma has signed but not ratified. Professor Julian Robinson, an expert on chemical weapons at Sussex University, said allegations of Burmese use were "both numerous and – at least to my mind – unresolved".
There have been widespread claims of brutal interrogations and Zahkung Nu Nu, from a Kachin area of northern Shan state, said she witnessed a neighbour's torture in early September. The 18-year-old civilian was singled out by troops who halted her party of villagers as they fled.
"They poured water over him and then covered his head with a plastic bag so he was struggling to breathe. They did it for about 10 or 15 minutes, then pulled it off and beat him, then poured water and covered his head, again and again.
"They were asking questions like 'Are you KIA?' He said no, I'm a civilian. He said it again and again and they didn't believe him," she said.
The torture ended after two hours when a soldier who knew the man's parents intervened, she said.
Other villagers, whom she met on a surreptitious return to her home, told her they had been forced to act as porters – perhaps the fate of her husband, too; she has not seen him since their chaotic escape.
"They had to carry their belongings and the belongings of villagers. I went hoping to bring back my things, but when I arrived at my house, nothing was left," she added, describing how everything from cooking pots and rice to traditional clothes had vanished.
A headman from another area said that even before the ceasefire ended, troops had forced villagers to log trees and carry loads of bricks for their base, paying small sums or nothing at all.
He added that the fighting was much worse than in previous outbreaks. Troops were using mortars as well as guns and firing more often.
"They just used people to show them the way or forced them to be porters," he said.
"During the current fighting it's very different: when they see civilians, they know they are civilians, but they shoot and kill them."
His own son has been missing for more than three weeks, but no one dares to return to look for him.Some witnesses complained that troops seemed to assume all Kachin were KIA members or active supporters.
"In other cases it is clear they have simply gone into an area and shelled the village and watched people run away – and then quite often destroyed food and made the area uninhabitable. They create huge areas which are free fire zones and basically shoot on sight," said Mathieson.
"It is not necessarily to kill people but to drive them away, to deny support [for the KIA] and tie up their resources as people flee into their areas."
The Guardian has changed the names and withheld details of interviewees, because they fear retaliation.
Burmese authorities did not respond to questions. An official at the embassy in Beijing said that information on Kachin was available from state media and that the foreign ministry was busy preparing for a summit.
The government has signed deals with other ethnic groups in recent weeks and has met Kachin representatives for discussions, bringing hope for a resolution.
Aung Thaung, the minister of industry and head of the Union Level Peace-Making Group, said on Friday that the government wanted "everlasting peace" and hoped to sign agreements with all ethnic groups within three years.
Asked why troops had not followed the presidential order to withdraw from combat with the Kachin, he told Reuters there might be skirmishes due to problems communicating with troops in remote areas.
In another possible sign of progress Unicef and UNHCR officials last week were allowed to visit Majiayang, where many of the displaced Kachin have fled. The World Food Programme has been able to visit only government-controlled areas, but hopes it may now be able to extend its programme – at least until funding for Burma runs out, in February.
A Kachin volunteer said psychological issues were as acute as food shortages and health problems, with traumatised families further distressed by recent fighting. "People are crying in their mind," she said. When they hear gunshots, "they are frightened and want to escape again".
Ceasefire strains
The Burmese government has been in conflict with ethnic minorities such as the Kachin, Karen and Shan since independence in 1948. Longstanding ceasefires collapsed two years ago as it tried to bring their militias under national army control and while President Thein Sein promised this spring to make the issue a national priority, an upsurge in fighting followed.
In recent weeks authorities have reached ceasefires or deals with several groups. But the Kachin are particularly wary. The Kachin Independence Organisation – allied to the Kachin Independence Army – agreed to participate in the government's political roadmap in the 1990s and co-operated even when its proposals were ignored. Yet Kachin candidates were blocked from standing in 2010's elections and the government became increasingly hostile, declaring the ceasefire null and void.
Kachin grievances have been exacerbated by government-backed projects that displaced inhabitants and brought them little benefit: "With the [Myitsone] dam, mining, other infrastructure – there's a sense of being politically marginalised and exploited at the same time," said David Mathieson of Human Rights Watch.
The government surprised many by axing the massive Chinese hydropower project in September, but the International Crisis Group warned that did not solve the underlying problems. A recent report praised the president's bold peace initiative but warned that the most difficult deal to reach might well be with the KIO.
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THE relation between Bangladesh and Myanmar officially began on January 13, 1972, the date on which Myanmar recognised Bangladesh as a sovereign state. However, the relation between these two close neighbours has never been smooth and has undergone frequent ups and downs over the last 40 years on a few issues. Both countries have not been able to build a pragmatic relationship with each other despite having a lot of potentials. Myanmar being closed to the outside world for more than 50 years shows few distinct patterns of behaviour in developing effective bilateral relations with Bangladesh. These are: Myanmar capitalised Bangladesh's geographical vulnerability, being remained under the umbrella of China was reluctant to count her small neighbour, being always stubborn in their attitude and behavior to solve the disputes and more inclined towards India and China. As such Bangladesh was discouraged and lost interest to charter a course to bring Myanmar into a negotiation table for developing meaningful relation with her. On the contrary, India and China have taken the full advantage of Myanmar's isolation and developed a deep relationship with her.
The issues that dominated their relations are the influx of Rohingya refugees, demarcation of land and maritime boundary, illegal drug trafficking and alleged cross border movement of insurgents. The relation deteriorated severely in 1991 when Myanmar armed forces launched a surprised attack and ransacked the then Bangladesh Rifle's border outpost at Rejupara in Cox's Bazar district. Myanmar forces killed three members of Bangladesh Rifles and looted their arms and ammunition. However, a major regional conflict was averted because of exercising restrains by Bangladesh.
Before the border incident, Bangladesh had been burdened with the Rohingya refugee problems since 1978. Over 200,000, Rohingyas were forced to cross the border and came to Bangladesh, following Operation 'Nagamin' ('Dragon King') launched by the Myanmar army.
During 1991-92, the second wave of over 250,000 Rohingyas fled to Bangladesh to escape persecution. Bangladesh with the help of the international community tried to resolve that issue through diplomatic channel but due to Myanmar's stubborn attitude the refugee problem could not be fully resolved.
The demarcation of maritime boundary was another issue that created a conflict of interest between these two states. The second round of tension erupted when Myanmar hired South Korea's Daewoo International Corporation to carry out the exploration in the Bay of Bengal, 90 KM South West of Bangladesh in November 2008.
Diplomatic initiative to solve the problem ended without any result. Being upset with the attitude of Myanmar, Bangladesh submitted the case to the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea in 2009. After a series of hearing in September 2011 the court planned to convey a ruling in March 2012.
In this backdrop, our prime minister has visited Myanmar in an effort to build a relationship that will be beneficial for the people of both the countries. She has visited Myanmar immediately after the visit of US Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, and at a moment when there are talks within the international community about Myanmar looking for a change. The changes were evident when the former General Thein Sein, after coming to power in March this year, halted the Chinese-funded $ 3.6 billion Myitsone dam project in the state of Kachin respecting the demand of the people of that region. Myanmar government has released more than 6,000 political prisoners and enacted laws allowing for protests and rallies; indicating commitment for democratic reforms.
During the visit, the prime minister of Bangladesh raised the issue of Myanmar refugees living in Nayapara and Kutupalong camp and the huge number of undocumented Myanmar nationals living in Bangladesh and stated that early resolution of these issues will help strengthen the bilateral relations to a great extent. The president of Myanmar expressed his desire to cooperate with Bangladesh in resolving the issue.
The prime minister expressed Bangladesh's willingness to import energy from Myanmar and requested the president to import readymade garments, pharmaceutical products, knitwears, jute and jute goods, ceramics etc. from Bangladesh at competitive price and mentioned that Bangladesh was keen on organize a “Single Country Trade Fair” in Yangon early next year.
The two heads of governments stressed upon the establishment of direct banking arrangement under ACU (Asian Clearing Union) so that LCs can be opened directly between the two countries. They wished to launch direct air flight between Dhaka/Chittagong and Yangon and non-conventional vessels between the designated commercial routes of the two countries. The two leaders also emphasised on the increase of border trade.
Finally, Myanmar and Bangladesh signed the following Agreement/Memorandum of Understanding:
a. Agreement on the establishment of a Joint Commission for bilateral cooperation between the government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar and the government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh.
b. Memorandum of Understanding on establishment of Joint Business Council (JBC) between the Republic of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI) and the Federation of Bangladesh Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FBCCI).
A foundation for a potential beginning has been laid by both the leaders; it is the bureaucracy to do its job to take the relationship to a new height.
Let me point out a misperception that is prevailing among some of the Myanmar nationals about Bangladesh. Many in Myanmar are misinformed and have a feeling that nothing can be gained from Bangladesh, which is evident to a comment posted by Maug Kyaw Nu, a former political prisoner. He wrote, “There are refugees along the Burma's bordering countries like Bangladesh, India, China and Thailand. These Refugees are neglected there. Every neighbour is engaged to hunt or loot Burma's natural resources and wealth. They do not hesitate to hug the military generals for their benefit, which is a big shame for our neighbour leaders. Now the Bangladesh prime minister lands in Naypyitaw to hug Thien Sein to gain some resources and economic benefits. Instead of solving the refugees' long lasting problem, she is very busy to gain more wealth from Burma.”
Whereas Bangladesh prime minister has indeed raised the Rohingya refugee issue and there are reports that in 2010-11 Bangladesh's exports to Myanmar stood at $9.65 million and imports from Myanmar at $175.7 million.
The people of Myanmar must be informed that they have the potential to win more from Bangladesh as we have a big market and an increasing middle-class society. Moreover, Bangladesh planned deep-sea port at Sonadia will be a regional hub and will be of tremendous importance to Myanmar and other Asian nations. Myanmar having natural resources like abundance of farm lands, woods, gas and hydro power has the potential to be a candid economic friend. A newly elected Chairman of Asean should be well aware that the solution to Rohingya refugee problem will give an additional mileage to enhance its human rights image to international community, which the General Thein Sein government is urgently seeking. It is a matter to be seen how Bangladesh bureaucracy and diplomats capitalise such urgent needs of Myanmar.
Both Bangladesh and Myanmar should emphasise not only on connectivity through land, sea and air but should also increase people to people contact through various cultural exchanges, sports, educations, trade fairs, zand other mutually beneficial activities. Therefore, both countries should recalibrate their relation for the common good of the people of this region.
The writer is a retired Brigadier General.
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The head of the Euro-Burma Office, Mr Harn Yawnghwe, on his role in last month’s negotiations on the Thai-Myanmar border, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s role in peacebuilding and the need to achieve a ‘political solution’ with ethnic groups.
By Shwe Yinn Mar Oo
Harn Yawnghwe (centre) and Minister for Railways U Aung Min (right) at ceasefire negotiations conducted on November 19-20.
Pic: Supplied
What role have you played in the peace negotiations that have taken place to date?
I was asked by Railways Minister U Aung Min to help set up meetings for him with the Shan State Army-South, Karen National Union, Karenni National Progressive Party, Chin National Front and Kachin Independence Organisation on the Thai-Myanmar border. I did and I participated in all the meetings on November 19 as a facilitator. That was the extent of my involvement. I am not involved in any of the subsequent meetings or negotiations taking place between the government and the KIO or the SSA-S.
We’ve heard that subsequent negotiations have started between the government and KIO in Shweli. What can we expect from the negotiations, which are led by high-ranking Union Solidarity and Development Party members?
I was not involved in the meeting between the KIO and the government in Shweli. But such a meeting should have taken place long ago. It is not right that the conflict should have been allowed to escalate to the extent it has, causing the population to suffer. Government troops are trying to secure a road in an area that both sides acknowledge is KIO territory.
What advantages are there to conducting the talks on Chinese territory?
If the talks take place in government-held territory, the KIO could technically be at a disadvantage. The same is true for the government if they take place in KIO territory. Taking place in China – a neutral venue – gives both sides the same advantage. It is a matter of building trust and confidence in the preliminary stages of negotiations.
If Daw Aung San Suu Kyi becomes a member of parliament or even a member of the government, what effect will this have on the peace process?
It will depend on how the government wants to handle the peace process. If, as some people suspect, it only wants ceasefires, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s presence in the parliament or government will make no difference. But if the government really wants permanent peace her presence could speed up the process.
She has already said that she is ready to assist in whatever role she can. How do you think she can help?
One of the reasons the government’s peace offer is not being welcomed by the various ethnic groups is the fact that they do not believe the government really wants to resolve the problem through political dialogue. For example, the KIO agreed to a ceasefire in 1994 because the military government said that they can have a political dialogue when there is a new elected government. Therefore, the KIO participated in the National Convention and supported the holding of elections in 2010. As a member of parliament or the government, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi might be able to question why this is happening. If she can ensure that the government handles the peace process properly, confidence in the process can be restored. The negotiations can then move ahead.
Are you optimistic that she can help build trust between the government and ethnic groups?
The ethnic nationalities trust her because she is the daughter of General Aung San. He related to the ethnic leaders as equals. He listened to what they wanted and sincerely tried to find a political solution that everybody could be happy with. The concept of the nation they agreed to was a Union of Burma where the Bamar, Shan, Kachin, Chin and other ethnic nationalities would, as co-founders, equally share the burden of nation-building. Unfortunately, General Aung San’s successors did not share his vision. The Bamar instead replaced the British and took on the role of big brother, diminishing the role of the ethnic nationalities. It later became worse with the military believing that they were the only ones who should be responsible for the welfare of the nation. She definitely can help rebuild trust but to have a permanent peace in the country, we need nationwide discussions on what we want the Union of Myanmar to look like in the future. Today, the ethnic states do not want to separate from the union. But if there is no justice and no way to resolve disagreements in peacefully through political discussions, then the conflicts will continue.
Critics say the government has made progress in political reform but little improvement in the way it deals with ethnic armed organisations. What’s your opinion?
The ethnic armed organisations exist because there was no way for ethnic nationalities to peacefully express their disagreement. Asking the armed groups to just stop fighting and engage in making money will not solve the problem. They are not fighting because they want to make money. They feel that the role of the ethnic nationalities in the history of Myanmar has not been recognised.
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WRITTEN BY လူထုစိန္၀င္း
၂၀၁၁ ခုႏႇစ္ဟာ ႏႇစ္ေပါင္းႏႇစ္ ဆယ္ေက်ာ္ကာလအတြင္းမႇာ သက္၀င္လႈပ္ရႇားမႈအရႇိဆံုးႏႇစ္အျဖစ္ သတ္မႇတ္ရလိမ့္မယ္။ ၁၉၈၈ အေရးအခင္းကတည္းက တစ္ႏႇစ္လာေျပာင္းႏိုးႏိုး၊ ေနာက္တစ္ႏႇစ္လာေကာင္းႏိုးႏိုးနဲ႔ ေသာင္မတင္ ေရမက် အီလယ္လယ္ႀကီးျဖစ္ေနခဲ့ရတာကို အားလံုးက စိတ္ ပ်က္လက္ပ်က္ ျဖစ္ေနၾကရတယ္။
စစ္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး ဖ်က္သိမ္း
၂၀၁၁ ခုႏႇစ္ေရာက္ေတာ့ ႐ုတ္တရက္ခ်က္ခ်င္း ေျပာင္းလဲမႈေတြ ဆက္တုိက္ဆိုသလို ျဖစ္လာတယ္။ ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏႇစ္ကတည္းက အာဏာသိမ္းၿပီး အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္လာခဲ့တဲ့ တစ္ေသြးတစ္သံတစ္မိန္႔ စစ္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးကို ဖ်က္သိမ္း ေၾကာင္း တရား၀င္ထုတ္ျပန္ေၾကညာၿပီး ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးသိန္းစိန္ က လႊတ္ေတာ္ကေရြးခ်ယ္တင္ေျမႇာက္လိုက္တဲ့ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္ကို အာဏာလႊဲေပးလုိက္တယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ေအးခ်မ္းသာယာေရးႏႇင့္ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးေရးေကာင္စီ အစိုးရကို ဦးေဆာင္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႇဴးႀကီးသန္းေရႊလည္း အစိုးရရာထူး တပ္ရာထူး အားလံုးက အၿငိမ္းစားယူသြားတယ္။ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္ရာထူး လက္ခံရယူတဲ့မိန္႔ခြန္းမႇာ သူနဲ႔တကြ အစိုးရအဖြဲ႔၀င္မ်ား၊ လႊတ္ေတာ္ကိုယ္စားလႇယ္မ်ားဟာ ျပည္သူလူထုက ေရြးေကာက္တင္ေျမႇာက္လိုက္သူမ်ားျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ ျပည္သူမ်ားရဲ႕ဆႏၵသေဘာထားကို အျမဲတမ္းေလးစားလိုက္နာၿပီး ျပည္သူမ်ား စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာေစရန္ ေဆာင္ရြက္သြားမယ္။ ျပည္သူအားလံုး လိုလားတဲ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ကို မျဖစ္မေန အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္သြားမယ္လို႔ ထည့္သြင္း ေျပာၾကားသြားခဲ့တယ္။
သမုိင္း၀င္ေၾကညာခ်က္
အဲဒီေနာက္ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ႏႇစ္ကုန္ခါနီးမႇာ ေနအိမ္အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္က ျပန္လႊတ္ေပးလုိက္တဲ့ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကို အစိုးရ၀န္ႀကီး ဦးေအာင္ၾကည္က ေတြ႔ဆံုခဲ့တယ္။ ဦးေအာင္ၾကည္နဲ႔ ႏႇစ္ႀကိမ္ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးၿပီးေနာက္မႇာ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္ကိုယ္တိုင္က ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကို ေနျပည္ေတာ္မႇာ လက္ခံေတြ႔ဆံုခဲ့တယ္။ အဲဒီ ေနာက္ မတူတာေတြဖယ္ထားၿပီး တူတာေတြ အတူလက္တြဲ လုပ္ေဆာင္သြားမယ္ဆိုတဲ့ သမုိင္း၀င္ ပူးတြဲေၾကညာခ်က္ ထြက္လာတယ္။ ေဒၚေအာင္ ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကလည္း ေျပာင္းလဲမႈ လမ္းစကို ျမင္ေတြ႔ေနရၿပီ၊ သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ဟာ ေျပာင္းလဲမႈကို အမႇန္တကယ္လိုလားသူျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ သူယံုၾကည္ေၾကာင္း ထုတ္ေဖာ္ေျပာၾကားခဲ့တယ္။
တင္မယ္၊ ၀င္မယ္
အဲဒီေနာက္ေတာ့ ေရခဲေတာင္ႀကီး အရည္ေပ်ာ္က်သလို အေျပာင္းအလဲေတြ ဆက္တိုက္ေတြ႔ျမင္လာရတယ္။ ဧရာ၀တီျမစ္ဆံုေရကာတာစီ မံကိန္းကို ျပည္သူမ်ားရဲ႕ဆႏၵကို လိုက္ေလ်ာတဲ့အေနနဲ႔ဆိုၿပီး သမၼတက ရပ္ဆိုင္း ထားဖို႔ ညႊန္ၾကားခဲ့တယ္။ ႏႇစ္ေပါင္းႏႇစ္ဆယ္ေက်ာ္ အျပင္းအထန္ ဆန္႔က်င္ေ၀ဖန္ခဲ့ၾကတဲ့ အေမရိကန္၊ အဂၤလန္နဲ႔ ဥေရာပႏိုင္ငံေတြက ၀န္ႀကီး၀န္ကေလးေတြ ၀င္လာမစဲ တသဲသဲ ျဖစ္လာတယ္။ ကူညီေထာက္ပံ့မႈ ေတြ ျပန္ေပးမယ္။ ေခ်းေငြေတြေပးမယ္စတဲ့ အသံေတြလည္း ၾကားလာရတယ္။ ေနာက္ဆံုးအေျပာင္းအလဲကေတာ့ လူတုိင္းကိုပါးစပ္ေဟာင္းေလာင္းနဲ႔ မယံုႏုိင္ေအာင္ ျဖစ္သြားၾကရတဲ့ကိစၥျဖစ္တယ္။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ရဲ႕ NLD ပါတီက ႏုိင္ငံေရးပါတီအျဖစ္ မႇတ္ပံုတင္ၿပီး ၾကားျဖတ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမႇာ ေနရာျပည့္ ၀င္အေရြးခံမယ္။ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကိုယ္တိုင္ ပါ၀င္အေရြးခံမယ္လို႔လည္း တရား၀င္ ထုတ္ျပန္ေၾကညာခဲ့တယ္။
ယံုၾကည္မႈတုိးေစ
ဒီျဖစ္စဥ္ေတြအားလံုးဟာ ျပည္သူအားလံုးရႊင္လန္းအားတက္ေစတဲ့ အေပါင္းလကၡဏာ သတင္းေတြျဖစ္တယ္။ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္အစိုးရအေပၚမႇာလည္း ယံုၾကည္မႈ တုိးလာေစတယ္။ ႏုိင္ငံတကာမႇာလည္း မ်က္ႏႇာပန္းလႇ လာတယ္။ ဒီေျခလႇမ္းေတြအတြက္ ေျဖာင့္ေျဖာင့္တန္းတန္းဆက္ ၿပီးေလွ်ာက္လႇမ္းသြားရင္ ျပည္သူအားလံုး ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ေတာင့္တေနၾကတဲ့ အေၾကာက္တရားအားလံုးကင္းစင္တဲ့ စစ္မႇန္တဲ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီပန္းတုိင္ကုိ ေရာက္လိမ့္ မယ္လို႔ ယံုၾကည္ႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ လမ္းေခ်ာ္မသြားေအာင္လည္း သတိရႇိၾကရပါမယ္။
ေဆး႐ံုအုပ္ႀကီး ေဒါက္တာေဒၚႏုႏုသာက
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ အႀကီးဆံုးႏႇင့္ သက္တမ္းအရႇည္ဆံုးျဖစ္သည့္ ရန္ကုန္ျပည္သူ႔ေဆး႐ံုႀကီးမႇ ယခုႏႇစ္မ်ားအတြင္း
ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္သို႔ တစ္ႏႇစ္လွ်င္ က်ပ္ေငြသိန္းေပါင္း ေထာင္ခ်ီ၍
ျပန္လည္ သြင္းေပးႏိုင္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ေျပာၾကားေဆး႐ံုအုပ္ႀကီး ေဒါက္တာေဒၚႏုႏုသာက ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ အႀကီးဆံုးႏႇင့္ သက္တမ္းအရႇည္ဆံုးျဖစ္သည့္ ရန္ကုန္ျပည္သူ႔ေဆး႐ံုႀကီးမႇ ယခုႏႇစ္မ်ားအတြင္း ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္သို႔ တစ္ႏႇစ္လွ်င္ က်ပ္ေငြသိန္းေပါင္း ေထာင္ခ်ီ၍ ျပန္လည္ သြင္းေပးႏိုင္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ေျပာၾကား
ပုဆိန္နဲ႔ မေပါက္ရေအာင္
အေပါင္းလကၡဏာေဆာင္တဲ့ ေဆာင္ရြက္ခ်က္ေတြေၾကာင့္ မ်က္ႏႇာပန္းလႇေနတဲ့အခ်ိန္မႇာ ယံုၾကည္မႈအေပၚ ဒြိဟ၊ သံသယပြားေစတဲ့ အႏုတ္ လကၡဏာျပကိစၥရပ္မ်ားကို ရႇင္းလင္းဖယ္ရႇားပစ္ေစခ်င္ပါတယ္။ သတင္းသမား တစ္ေယာက္အေနနဲ႔ ျပည္သူမ်ားရဲ႕အသံေတြကို အျမဲနားစြင့္ေနတာျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ ၾကားသိျမင္ေတြ႔ရတဲ့ ျပည္သူ႔အသံေတြနဲ႔ ျပည္သူ႔ဆႏၵေတြကို သက္ဆိုင္ရာမ်ားသိေအာင္ တင္ျပခ်င္ပါတယ္။ အပ္နဲ႔ထြင္းရမယ့္ကိစၥကို ပုဆိန္နဲ႔ေပါက္ရတဲ့အျဖစ္မ်ဳိး ေရာက္မသြားေစခ်င္လို႔ပါ။ ေထာင္ထဲမႇာက်န္ရစ္သူေတြကိစၥနဲ႔ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ ရပ္စဲေရးကိစၥကေတာ့ အခုတေလာ အဆက္ မျပတ္ေရးခဲ့တာေၾကာင့္ ဒီတစ္ခါမေရးေတာ့ပါဘူး။ သားေရႊအိုးထမ္းၿပီး ျပန္လာမႇာကိုပဲ ေစာင့္ေမွ်ာ္ေနပါေတာ့မယ္။
ဘယ္သူမႇမေျပာၾကလို့
အခုေျပာခ်င္တာက ဂ်ာနယ္ေတြမႇာ သတင္းအျမဲပါေနေပမယ့္ ဘယ္ပါတီ ဘယ္အဖြဲ႔အစည္းေတြကမႇ အေရးထားၿပီး ေျပာတာဆိုတာမရႇိတဲ့အတြက္ စာဖတ္ပရိသတ္မ်ားက ေန႔စဥ္မျပတ္ ဖုန္းဆက္ၿပီး ရင္ဖြင့္ေနၾကတဲ့ အေၾကာင္းေတြပါ။သူတို႔အတြက္ေတာ့ အင္မတန္အေရးႀကီးတဲ့ ကိစၥေတြ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အရင္ဆုံးေျပာၾကတာကေတာ့ ရထားခေတြ ဆယ္ဆတက္သြားတဲ့ ကိစၥျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီေခတ္မႇာ မီးရထားက သာမန္ျပည္သူ ျပည္သားမ်ားအတြက္ အဓိကအားထားရတဲ့ အရာျဖစ္တယ္။ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ေနလူထုအတြက္ ဘတ္စကားခႏႇစ္ရာမတတ္ႏိုင္လို႔ ၿမိဳ႕ပတ္ရထားကို တစ္ဆယ္ေပးစီးရတယ္။ အခုၿမိဳ႕ပတ္ရထားက အသြားအျပန္ ႏႇစ္ရာေပး၀ယ္စီးရမႇာဆိုေတာ့ အမ်ားႀကီး ခက္ခဲသြားပါတယ္။ ရန္ကုန္ - မႏၲေလးကားခေတြက တစ္ေသာင္းအထက္ေပးရေတာ့ ဆင္းရဲသားမ်ား မစီးႏိုင္ၾကဘူး။ ရထားစီးရင္ တစ္ေထာင္ေတာင္မက်ေတာ့ ရထားပဲ အားကိုးရတယ္။
ေစ်းတက္ စီးပြားေရး
ရထားခတက္တဲ့သတင္းေနာက္က လိုက္လာတာက စာပို႔ခေတြ ျပည္တြင္းဆို ႏႇစ္ဆယ္ကတစ္ရာ၊ ျပည္ပဆို သံုးဆယ္က ငါးရာျဖစ္သြားတယ္ ဆိုတဲ့ သတင္းျဖစ္တယ္။ အဲဒီကိစၥေျပာလို႔ ပါးစပ္ေတာင္မပိတ္ရေသးခင္မႇာ ေနာက္ထပ္ဂ်ာနယ္ေတြထဲပါလာတာက မီတာခေတြလည္း ေနာက္ထပ္တစ္ဆတိုးၿပီး တက္ဦးမယ္ဆိုတဲ့ သတင္းၿပီးေတာ့ ေရခြန္ေတြ၊ အမိႈက္ခြန္ေတြလည္း တိုးဦးမယ္တဲ့။ ေစ်းကြက္စီးပြားေရးဆိုတာ အၿပိဳင္အဆိုင္ေစ်းေတြ ေလ်ာ့ေရာင္းၾကလို႔ စားသံုးသူေတြ သက္သာေခ်ာင္ခ်ိေစတယ္လို႔ ဆရာႀကီးေတြက ေျပာၾကေပမယ့္ လက္ေတြ႔မႇာေတာ့ ေစ်းေတြတက္ခ်င္တိုင္း တက္ေနလို႔ ေစ်းကြက္စီးပြားေရးလုိ႔ မေခၚဘဲ ေစ်းတက္ စီးပြားေရးလုိ႔ ေခၚခ်င္တယ္လို႔ေတာင္ ညည္းညဴေျပာဆိုေနၾကရတယ္။
၀မ္းသာရမႇာလား၊ ၀မ္းနည္းရမႇာလား
အဲဒီလိုညည္းညဴသံေတြ ၾကားေနရခ်ိန္မႇာ ထူးဆန္းတဲ့သတင္းတစ္ပုဒ္ ဖတ္လိုက္မိတဲ့အတြက္ ၀မ္းသာရမႇာလား၊ ၀မ္းနည္းရမႇာလား၊ ခြဲျခား မရႏိုင္တဲ့ ခံစားမႈတစ္မ်ဳိး ခံစားလိုက္ရတာကို ေျပာျပခ်င္ပါတယ္။ သတင္းက ၂၄-၁၁-၂၀၁၁ ထုတ္ Popular News ဂ်ာနယ္အတြဲ -၃ အမႇတ္ ၄၆ မႇာပါလာတာပါ။ 'ရန္ကုန္ျပည္သူ႔ေဆး႐ံုႀကီး ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္သို႔ တစ္ႏႇစ္ သိန္းေထာင္ခ်ီ ျပန္သြင္းေပးႏုိင္' လို႔ ေခါင္းစီးတပ္ထားပါတယ္။ လိုရင္းေျပာရ ရင္ေတာ့ ႏို၀င္ဘာ ၁၅ ရက္ ေန႔က ျပည္သူ႔က်န္းမာေရးတကၠသိုလ္မႇာျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ က်န္းမာေရး အသံုးစရိတ္မ်ားဆိုင္ရာ အလုပ္႐ံုေဆြးေႏြးပြဲမႇာ ရန္ကုန္ျပည္သူ႔ေဆး႐ံုႀကီးက ေဆး႐ံုအုပ္ႀကီး ေဒါက္တာေဒၚႏုႏုသာက ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ အႀကီးဆံုးႏႇင့္ သက္တမ္းအရႇည္ဆံုးျဖစ္သည့္ ရန္ကုန္ျပည္သူ႔ေဆး႐ံုႀကီးမႇ ယခုႏႇစ္မ်ားအတြင္း ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္သို႔ တစ္ႏႇစ္လွ်င္ က်ပ္ေငြသိန္းေပါင္းေထာင္ခ်ီ၍ ျပန္လည္သြင္းေပးႏိုင္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္လို႔ ေရးထားပါတယ္။
စရိတ္မွ်ေပးက၀င္ေငြ
"ျဖည့္ဆည္းေပးစရာမ်ား ရႇိေနသည့္ၾကားကပင္ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္သို႔ ယခုႏႇစ္ ပထမေလးပတ္က ေငြက်ပ္သိန္း ၁၃၀၀ ႏႇင့္ ဒုတိယေလးပတ္တြင္ ေငြက်ပ္သိန္း ၁၂၀၀ ေက်ာ္ေပးသြင္းႏိုင္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ၎က ထပ္ေလာင္း ေျပာၾကား သည္။ ယင္းျပန္ေပးသြင္းႏိုင္ခဲ့သည့္ ေငြေၾကးမ်ားမႇာ စားစရိတ္မွ်ေပး စနစ္တစ္ခုတည္းက ျပန္လည္ ေပးသြင္းခဲ့သည့္ ပမာဏျဖစ္ၿပီး တျခား၀န္ေဆာင္မႈမ်ားအတြက္ ေကာက္ခံထားေသာ ေငြေၾကးပမာဏမ်ား မပါလာေသး ေၾကာင္း ေဒၚႏုႏုသာက ဆိုသည္" လို႔ ဆက္ၿပီးေဖာ္ျပထားတယ္။ ဒီသတင္းကို ဖတ္ၿပီးတဲ့အခါ မီးရထားဌာနလို လွ်ပ္စစ္ဌာနလို ဌာနႀကီးေတြက ႏႇစ္စဥ္က်ပ္ေငြဘီလ်ံရာနဲ႔ခ်ီ အ႐ံႈးျပေနခ်ိန္မႇာ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ကိုေတာင္ ေငြျပန္သြင္းေပးႏုိင္တယ္လို႔ သိလိုက္ရလို႔ တယ္ဟုတ္ပါလားဆိုၿပီး ၀မ္းသာသလို ျဖစ္သြားခဲ့တယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့လို႕ ခ်က္ခ်င္းျပန္ေတြး ၾကည့္လိုက္ေတာ့ ေစ်းကြက္စီးပြားေရးဆိုတဲ့ထဲမႇာ ေဆး႐ံုေတြပါ ထည့္ထားတာလားဆိုၿပီး စိတ္ထဲစႏိုးစေႏႇာင့္ ျဖစ္သြားရတယ္။ အထူးသျဖင့္ ျပည္သူ႔ေဆး႐ံုဆိုတာက ျပည္သူျပည္သားမ်ားရဲ႕ က်န္းမာေရးေစာင့္ေရႇာက္မႈအတြက္ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ဘ႑ာေငြက ထုတ္ယူပံ့ပိုးေပးထားတာျဖစ္တယ္။ ကိုလိုနီေခတ္၊ ဖဆပလေခတ္၊ ျမန္မာ့ဆိုရႇယ္လစ္ေခတ္ စတဲ့ေခတ္တုိင္းမႇာ ျပည္သူ႔ဘ႑ာေငြနဲ႔ ရပ္တည္ခဲ့တာခ်ည္း ျဖစ္တယ္။ ကိုလိုနီေခတ္နဲ႔ ဖဆပလေခတ္ေတြမႇာ လူနာေတြ စားေရး၊ ေသာက္ေရးပါ ေဆး႐ုံက တာ၀န္ယူပါတယ္။ အျပင္က အစားအစာေတြနဲ႔ မတည့္မႇာစိုးလို႔ အိမ္ကထမင္းပို႔တာေတာင္ အားမေပးပါဘူး။ လိုအပ္တဲ့ စြပ္ျပဳတ္၊ ႏြားႏို႔၊ ဆန္ျပဳတ္စတာေတြလည္း ေဆး႐ံုကပဲ ေပးတယ္။ အဲဒီေခတ္က ရန္ကုန္ေဆး႐ုံႀကီးနဲ႔ မႏၲေလး ေဆး႐ံုႀကီးမႇာ ထမင္းေပါင္း ဘြိဳင္လာႀကီးေတြနဲ႔ အ၀တ္ေလွ်ာ္ ဘြိဳင္လာႀကီးေတြပါ ထားရပါတယ္။
နားလည္ဖို႔ခက္
အဲဒီေခတ္က ျပည္သူအားလံုးအတြက္ အခမဲ့ ေဆးကုခြင့္ရႇိတယ္။ ေငြေၾကးတတ္ႏိုင္သူမ်ားအတြက္ အထူးပိုက္ဆံခန္းေတြလည္း ထားပါတယ္။ အခုေခတ္မႇာ အေျခအေနအရ စရိတ္မွ်ေပး က်န္းမာေရးဆိုၿပီး လုပ္လာတာကို နားလည္ႏိုင္ေပမယ့္ အဲဒီစရိတ္မွ်ေပးက ရတဲ့ေငြေၾကးကို ျပန္ယူတယ္ဆိုတာေတာ့ နားလည္ဖို႔ ခက္ပါတယ္။ ဒီလိုကိစၥေတြဟာ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္အစိုးရ ေရႇ႕မ်က္ႏႇာစာမႇာ ႀကိဳးစားပမ္းစားလုပ္ျပေနတဲ့ ျပည္သူေတြ စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာေစဖို႔ဆိုတဲ့ လုပ္ငန္းေတြကို ထိခိုက္ေစပါတယ္။ အဲဒါေၾကာင့္ ဒီအခ်က္ေတြကိုလည္း ျပဳျပင္ပါဦးလို႔ တိုက္တြန္း ႏိႈးေဆာ္လိုက္ရပါတယ္။
credit here
By Zin Linn
Burma’s President Thein Sein civilian government has been maneuvering war against the Kachin rebels incessantly, although there are heavy casualties on its side. Starting from 9 June, the six-month long civil war claimed more than a thousand lives of government soldiers.
Recently, President Thein Sein has issued an instruction to Burma’s Commander-in-Chief to halt the offensive against the KIO. However, the war continues and people continue to run for their lives. So, the speech of the government is not consistent with the attempt of its armed forces.
As a consequence of the warfare between Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Burma Army, local inhabitants were fleeing from Kachin State to Northern Shan State, but authorities have taken no responsibility for them, quoting locals eyewitnesses, Shan Herald Agency for News (S.H.A.N) said.
According to one Nam-Kham resident, more than 400 victims arrived at the church last week. The victims said that the Burmese soldiers had bombarded their village as well as its surroundings. Altogether 456 people, mostly Shan and Kachin from Kachin State, reached Nam-Kham, Northern Shan State, in the evening of 12 December, Shan Herald Agency for News reported.
The victims are children, women and the elderly from villages including Kat-Para, Nam-Hsar, Oo-Lampa and Kha-Shan in Mansi Township, Kachin State. They had fled because they were afraid of being mistreated by the Burmese soldiers, according to one of the displaced people.
A temporary refugee camp has been set up by the Catholic abbot at Aung Myitta and Sa Lay Tan wards and provided for their requirements, a civilian official in Aung Myitta ward said.
The abbot and the neighborhood residents provided blankets, clothes, household utensils and food for the victims but government officials provided nothing. Instead, they asked questions like whether the war refugees had their ID cards or not.
As reported by Shan Herald Agency for News, more than 10,000 victims are fleeing to Bhamo, Waing Maw and Myitkyina. There are 40,000 displaced people said to be at Kachin Independence Organization (KIO)’s Laiza area. The United Nations organizations are there to help them, according to KIO sources.
On 14 December, the state-run New Light of Myanmar claimed that the central government provided a significant amount of aid to needy refugees living in the KIO-controlled territory on Monday December 12.
But, the KIO dismissed the news of aid to refugees in the government media. According toKachin News Group, representatives of the KIO have proved their false propaganda published in Burmese government state-media about the central government’s “humanitarian” contribution to refugees displaced by fighting in Kachin and Northern Shan state.
It was a UN convoy carrying humanitarian aid that arrived into the KIO territory on December 12, but there were no governmental “humanitarian” contribution to refugees. The state-media’s description of the aid convoy is misleading and false, the KIO said.
Last month, representatives of the President Thein Sein government and the KIO met twice for talks which have so far failed to bring about a halt to the fighting. The Burmese army continues to send in troops to the area, leading many to conclude that Naypyidaw wants to bring about a military solution to the conflict.
Local sources on the ground in the Kachin state say that during the past week the Kachin resistance has inflicted a large number of casualties on poorly trained Burmese conscript troops, as the central government’s offensive against the Kachin Independence Organization enters its seventh month.
According to a KIA source, in the outskirts of Dingga village there were more than 10 burial sites where fallen Burmese soldiers had recently been buried. One Burmese officer was among those fallen soldiers in the area, said a KIA officer to the Kachin News Group on Friday. The officer also said that the Burmese army’s arson attack on the village appeared to be in retaliation to losing so many of their comrades to the Kachin resistance.
In September, the US-based NGO ‘Physicians for Human Rights (PHR)’ conducted an investigation in Burma’s Kachin State in response to reports of grave human rights violations in the region. PHR found that between June and September 2011, the Burmese army looted food from civilians, fired indiscriminately into villages, threatened villages with attacks, and used civilians as porters and human minesweepers.
credit here
US Secretary of State Hilary Clinton visited Myanmar on 1st December. Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy is participating in elections. Leaders of ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) have formally approved Myanmar's chairmanship of the regional grouping in 2014. Prisoners have been released in the country, there have been some liberalisation and easing up. Is Myanmar, therefore, about to be welcomed back as a respectable member of the international community? What is happening inside the country? Enough for the international community to embrace Myanmar again, and sufficiently committed for there to be no turning back?
credit here
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