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ျမန္မာျပည္မွေပးစာ by ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္

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Letter from Burma: Vaclav Havel

When I decided that the first Letter from Burma of 2012 should be about the late Vaclav Havel, I wondered how I should entitle the article. My thoughts immediately went to the little red heart he usually drew as part of his signature. Perhaps I should write about him as "The Heart President" or "The Heart Leader" or "The Dissident with A Heart" or "The Intellectual with A Heart?" In the end I decided that the name Vaclav Havel alone was more potent and meaningful than any fancy title I could think up.

It was during the first year of my house arrest, 1989, that the name of Vaclav Havel became familiar to me. The Velvet Revolution, the Civic Forum, the electoral victory that turned the premier dissident of Czechoslovakia into the first President of the newly democratic republic: I learnt about it all from my small portable radio and shared in the euphoria of political transformation in that far off land. However, I did not realize at that time that Vaclav Havel would become a personal friend.

It is a little strange to speak of a man I had never met and with whom I had barely corresponded as a personal friend. It was his vigorous and warm personality and his total commitment to the support of movements for democracy and human rights the world over that made his friendship so real and vibrant and made me feel we were linked to one another by close ties of understanding. He nominated me for the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 because he believed it would help to focus international attention on our struggle. Had he allowed his name to be put forward as a candidate that year I am convinced he would have been the chosen laureate. He surely valued the Nobel Peace Prize, for he would not have wanted to give to the cause of democracy and human rights something on which he did not value himself. But it was a matter of chivalry: "Their need is greater than mine."

When my family were permitted to visit me in 1992, my husband brought me a copy of The Power of the Powerless. I have just flicked quickly through the pages of this now shabby, well-thumbed volume and reread some of the phrases I underlined in the book. "... an examination of the potential of the 'powerless' -- can only begin with an examination of the nature of power in the circumstances in which these powerless people operate ..." "... freedom is indivisible ..." "... not standing up for the freedom of others, regardless of how remote their means of creativity or their attitude to life, meant surrendering one's own freedom ..." "A better system will not automatically create a better life. In fact the opposite is true: only by creating a better life can a better system be developed ..." Ideas that seem simple yet which enmesh with basic human aspirations only when formulated with clarity by an exceptional mind.

A high intellect is no substitute for a generous heart, and it is the latter that I appreciate most in Vaclav Havel. He was a rare dissident, one who did not forget fellow dissidents in remote parts of the world even after he became the Head of State of his own country. His heart was not only generous but appealingly light, expressing its solidarity with ordinary people everywhere in the simplest way. His To the Castle and Back begins with the words: "I've run away. I've run away to America. I've run away for two months with the whole family; that is, with Dasa and our two boxers, Sugar and her daughter Madlenka." The gleeful declaration of flight and the place (right at the heart of the family) that he accorded to his dogs drew me across miles and years into the warm circle of his home. How did a man so far from ordinary manage to retain the common touch?

Vaclav Havel spoke to me once on the telephone, about a year ago. He was already in poor health and his voice was weak but he managed to convey his joy at my release from house arrest and his concern for all of us who were still far from our democratic goal. Even in his final illness he did not forget us. The last letter he wrote to me was placed in my hands a few days after his death by one of his old friends, Mr. Sasakawa Yohei.

"Dear Friend," the letter began, "Over the years I sent you a number of letters inviting you to attend various international conferences and other events that I organized. I did it being perfectly aware that the chances of you attending are non-existent but I still did it out of principle and to remind the authorities that confiscated my letters to you that we constantly think of you and support you." The spirit with which he championed the cause of the oppressed had remained intact. His interest in our struggle, too, had continued strong: "Dear friend, I am following the recent developments in your country with a very, very cautious optimism." He ended his letter on a practical, modest note. "... if there is anything we can do to help -- for example -- and only if you wish -- to share some of our transformational experience with you we shall gladly do it."

I will feel the absence of my friend as we continue along the road he walked before us. (By Aung San Suu Kyi)

(Mainichi Japan) January 30, 2012

Source here


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 ျမန္မာျပည္မွေပးစာ

ဗကၠလက္ ဟာဗယ္လ္

၂၀၁၂ ခုႏွစ္အတြက္ ပထမဆုံးျမန္မာျပည္မွေပးစာအျဖစ္ ကြယ္လြန္သူ မစၥတာ ဗကၠလဗ္ ဟာဗယ္လ္ ရဲ႕အေၾကာင္းပဲျဖစ္သင့္တယ္လုိ႔ ကၽြန္မဆုံးျဖတ္လုိက္တဲ့အခါ ဒီေဆာင္းပါးကုိ ဘယ္လုိေခါင္းစဉ္တပ္ သင့္သလဲလုိ႔ ကၽြန္မအံ့ၾသေတြးေတာ္မိခဲ့ရပါတယ္။ ကၽြန္မအေတြးေတြဟာ ႐ုတ္ျခည္းဆုိသလုိ သူ႔ရဲ႕ ထုိးၿမဲလက္မွတ္တစိတ္တပုိင္းအျဖစ္ ေရးဆြဲေလ့႐ိွတဲ့ အနီေရာင္အသည္းပုံကေလးဆီ ေရာက္သြားခ့ဲပါ တယ္။ ကၽြန္မဟာ သူ႔ကို“အသည္းသမၼတ” ဒါမွမဟုတ္ “အသည္းေခါင္းေဆာင္” ဒါမွမဟုတ္ “အသည္း နဲ႔လႈပ္႐ွားသူ” ဒါမွမဟုတ္ “အသည္းနဲ႔ပညာ႐ွင္” လုိ႔ေရးသင့္ပါသလား။ ေနာက္ဆုံးေတာ့ ကၽြန္မစဉ္စား တဲ့ အမည္ဆန္းေတြထက္ ပုိမုိတဲ့ စြမ္းရည္နဲ႔အဓိပၸါယ္႐ိွမွာမုိ႔ “ဗကၠလပဗ္ ဟာဗယ္လ္” သီးသန္႔ကိုပဲ အမည္ေပးဘုိ႔ ဆုံးျဖတ္လုိက္ပါတယ္။

ကၽြန္မ ပထမဆုံး ေနအိမ္အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္အခ်ခံရတဲ့ ၁၉၈၉ ခုႏွစ္အတြင္းမွာပဲ “ဗကၠလဗ္ ဟာဗယ္လ္” အမည္နဲ႔ ရင္းႏွီးလာခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ကတၱီပါေတာ္လွန္ေရး၊ ျပည္သူ႔စင္ျမင့္၊ ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲေအာင္ပြဲ ေတြဟာ ခ်က္ကုိစလုိေဗးကီးယားရဲ႕ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးသမားဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ကုိ ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္ျပည္ေထာင္စုအသစ္ရဲ႕ ပထမဦးဆုံးသမၼတအျဖစ္ ျဖစ္ေပၚေစခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒါေတြအားလုံးကုိ ကၽြန္မရဲ႕အိတ္ေဆာင္ေရဒီယိုက ေလးကေန ၾကားသိေလ့လာ ႏိုင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အဲဒိအေဝးတေနရာက ႏိုင္ငံေရးအသြင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈရဲ႕ ဝမ္း သာေပ်ာ္႐ႊင္မႈကုိလဲ မွ်ေဝ ခံစားခဲ့ရပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမင့္ အဲဒိအခ်ိန္မွာ “ဗကၠလပဗ္ ဟာဗယ္လ္” ဟာ ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေရးမိတ္ေဆြျဖစ္လာလိမ့္မွာကုိေတာ့ မထင္ခဲ့မိပါ။

ကၽြန္မ တခါမွမေတြ႕ခဲ့ဘူးတဲ့ ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေရးမိတ္ေဆြအျဖစ္ စာေရးခဲ့ဘူးျခင္းမ႐ိွခဲ့တဲ့ အမ်ဳိးသားတဦး အေၾကာင္းေျပာရတာကေတာ့ အနည္းငယ္ ဆန္းျပားေနသလုိပါပဲ။ သူ႔ရဲ႕ဉာဏ္ႀကီးျဖတ္လတ္ၿပီး ေႏြးေထြးတဲ့ပင္ကုိယ္စ႐ိုက္နဲ႔ ကမၻာတလႊားမွာ ဒီမိုကေရစီနဲ႔လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး လႈပ္႐ွားမႈကုိပ့ံပုိးေပးတဲ့ သူ႔ရဲ႕ဥႆံုသႏၷိ႒ာန္ခ်မွတ္မႈေတြဟာ သူရဲ႕ရင္းႏွီးခင္မင္မႈကုိ စစ္မွန္သြက္လက္ေစခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ကၽြန္မ တိို႔ကို တဦးနဲ႔တဦး နားလည္မႈျဖင့္ တရင္းတႏွီး နီးနီးစပ္စပ္ေႏွာင္ဖြဲ႔ဆက္သြယ္ေပးခဲ့တယ္လုိ႔ ကၽြန္မကုိ လည္းခံစားမိေစပါတယ္။ သူက ကၽြန္မကုိ ၁၉၉၁ ခုႏွစ္ရဲ႕ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးႏိုဘယ္ဆုအတြက္ အမည္တင္ သြင္းေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ကၽြန္မတုိ႔ရဲ႕လႈပ္႐ွားမႈကုိ ႏိုင္ငံတကာရဲ႕အာ႐ံုစုိက္လာဘုိ႔ဆုံမွတ္အျဖစ္ အေထာက္ အပံ့ျဖစ္မယ္လုိ႔ သူကယုံ ၾကည္တာေၾကာင့္ အခုလုိ အမည္တင္သြင္းေပးခဲ့တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒိႏွစ္အ တြက္ သူကုိယ္တုိင္ပင္အမည္တင္သြင္းခံထုိက္ၿပီး အေရြးခံရမွာလုိ႔ ကၽြန္မယုံၾကည္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးႏိုဘယ္ဆုကုိ သူကုိယ္တုိင္အေသအခ်ာတန္ဘုိးထားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီေရးနဲ႔ လူ႔အ ခြင့္အေရးကိစၥအတြက္ သူကုိယ္သူတန္ဘုိးမျဖတ္ခဲ့တဲ့အရာကို သူ မေပးလုိေသာေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမင့္ ဒီစိတ္ဓါတ္ဟာ အားႏြဲ႕သူအေပၚယဉ္ေက်းၾကင္နာစြာဆက္ဆံမႈအျဖစ္ - “သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕လိုအပ္မႈ ဟာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ရဲ႕လုိအပ္မႈထက္ႀကီးမားပါတယ္” ဆုိတာပါ။

၁၉၉၂ ခုႏွစ္မွာ ကၽြန္မမိသားစု ကၽြန္မထံအလည္လာခြင့္ရစဉ္ ကၽြန္မရဲ႕ခင္ပြန္းသည္က “အာဏာမဲ့တုိ႔ ရဲ႕ အာဏာ”ဆုိတဲ့စာအုပ္ယူလာခဲ့ေပးပါတယ္။ အခုအခါမွာ လက္မနဲ႔ေကာင္းစြာလွန္ေလွာထားကာ ေဟာင္းႏြမ္းေနတဲ့အဝတ္အဖုံးစာအုပ္ရဲ႕ စာမ်က္ႏွာမ်ားကုိ ကၽြန္မ ခပ္ျမန္ျမန္ေလးလွန္ၾကည့္မိပါတယ္။ ကၽြန္မမ်ဉ္းသားထားတဲ့ အပုိဒ္အခ်ဳိ႕ကုိ ျပန္ဖတ္ၾကည့္မိပါတယ္။ “… အာဏာမဲ့မ်ားရဲ႕ အလားအလာ စြမ္းရည္မ်ားကုိ စစ္ေၾကာျခင္း -- အာဏာမဲ့ျပည္သူမ်ားေဆာင္ရြက္ႏိုင္တဲ့ အေျခအေနမ်ားတြင္႐ိွ အာဏာရဲ႕သဘာဝရဲ႕စစ္ေၾကာေလ့လာျခင္းမွသာအစျပဳႏိုင္သည္…” “… လြတ္လပ္ျခင္းဟာခြဲျခမ္း လို႔မရႏိုင္ …” “… ဖန္တီးမႈရဲ႕သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕နည္းလမ္းေတြ သုိ႔မဟုတ္ ဘဝအတြက္ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ရည္မွန္းခ်က္ ေတြ ဘယ္ေလာက္အလွမ္းကြာေနပါေစ၊ အျခားသူမ်ားရဲ႕ လြတ္လပ္မႈအတြက္ မရပ္တည္ႏိုင္တာဟာ မိမိရဲ႕ကုိယ္ပုိင္လြတ္လပ္ျခင္းကုိ အ႐ႈံးေပးလုိက္တာလုိ႔ အဓိပၸါယ္သက္ေရာက္ပါတယ္ …” “သာလြန္ ေကာင္းမြန္တဲ့စံနစ္တခုဟာ သာလြန္ေကာင္းမြန္တဲ့ဘဝတခုကုိ အလုိအေလ်ာက္ဖန္တီးမေပးပါ။ အမွန္ တကယ္က ေျပာင္းျပန္ျဖစ္ရပ္ကအမွန္ပါ - သာလြန္ေကာင္းမြန္တဲ့ဘဝကုိဖန္တီးျခင္းကသာ သာလြန္ ေကာင္းမြန္တဲ့ စံနစ္တခုကုိ ျဖစ္ေပၚတုိးတက္ေစမွာပါ …” ထူးျခားတဲ့စိတ္ဓါတ္ရဲ႕ ႐ွင္းလင္းတင္ျပခ်က္ ျဖင့္ စံနစ္တက်ပုံစံေဖာ္ထုတ္ေပးလိုက္တဲ့အခါမွသာ အေျခခံလူသားလုိအင္ဆႏၵေတြနဲ႔ ဆက္ႏြယ္ေရာ ယွက္ေနျခင္းကုိ လြယ္ကူစြာျမင္ႏိုင္ေစတဲ့ အႀကံဉာဏ္မ်ားျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

အဆင့္ျမင့္ပညာတတ္တေယာက္ဟာ သေဘာထားႀကီးတဲ့ႏွလုံးသားကုိအစားထုိးလုိ႔မရပါ။ ကၽြန္မ မစၥ တာ ဗကၠလဗ္ ဟာဗယ္လ္ကုိ ေလးစားတန္ဘုိးအထားဆုံးက ဒီ “သေဘာထားႀကီးတဲ့ႏွလုံးသား” ေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ သူဟာ႐ွား႐ွားပါးပါး ေတာ္လွန္ေရးသမားတဦးျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ သူ႔ႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕အႀကီးအကဲ ျဖစ္လာတာေတာင္မွ ကမၻာ့ေဝးလံတဲ့အရပ္မ်ား႐ိွ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးမိတ္ေဆြမ်ားကုိ မေမ့ခဲ့သူျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ သူ႔ရဲ႕ႏွလုံးသားဟာ သေဘာထားႀကီး ျမင့္ျမတ္႐ံုတင္မက စာနာမႈ႐ိွစြာေပါ့ပါးေနၿပီး၊ အ႐ိုးအစင္းဆုံးျဖင့္ အရပ္ရပ္႐ိွ သာမန္ျပည္သူမ်ားနဲ႔ ေသြးစည္းညီၫြတ္ေနပါတယ္။ သူ႔ရဲ႕စာအုပ္ “ ရဲတုိက္အသြားအျပန္” (To the Castle and Back) မွာ “ ကၽြႏ္ုပ္ထြက္ေျပးခဲ့တယ္။ အေမရိကကုိ ကၽြႏ္ုပ္ထြက္ေျပးခဲ့တယ္။” ဆုိတဲ့ စကားလုံးမ်ားနဲ႔ စတင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ မိသားစုအားလုံးနဲ႔အတူ ၂ လတာ ကၽြႏ္ုပ္ထြက္ေျပးခဲ့ပါတယ္။ မိသားစုဆုိတာက “ဒါဆာ” ရယ္၊ ကၽြႏ္ုပ္တုိ႔ရဲ႕ ေဘာက္ဆာ ေခြး ၂ေကာင္ျဖစ္တဲ့ “႐ႉးဂါး”ေခြးမနဲ႔ သူရဲ႕ သမီး “မဒ္လဲန္ခါ” ပါပဲ။ ထြက္ေျပးျခင္းနဲ႔ေနရာ(မိသားစုရဲ႕အလယ္မွာ သူ႔ေခြးမ်ားကုိ ထည့္သြင္းသတ္ မွတ္လုိက္ျခင္း)ကို ဝမ္းေျမာက္ေပ်ာ္႐ႊင္တဲ့ေၾကညာခ်က္ဟာ မိုင္ေပါင္းေဝးစြာက ႏွစ္ေပါင္းစြာက ကၽြန္မ ကုိ သူ႔အိမ္ရဲ႕ ေႏြးေထြးတဲ့အသုိင္းအဝိုင္းထဲ ဆြဲေခၚလုိက္ပါတယ္။ သာမန္စီမံထိန္းသိမ္းမႈရဲ႕ အေဝးမွာ ႐ိွေနတဲ့လူတေယာက္ဟာ အမ်ားထိေတြ႕မႈကုိ ဘယ္လုိမ်ား ထိန္းသိမ္းထားပါလိမ့္။

လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ တႏွစ္က မစၥတာ ဗကၠလဗ္ ဟာဗယ္လ္က ကၽြန္မကုိ တခါ ဖုံးဆက္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ သူဟာ က်န္း မာေရးမေကာင္းတဲ့အေျခအေနမွာ ေရာက္ေနခဲ့ပါတယ္။ သူ႔အသံဟာေပ်ာ့ေတာ့ေနခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပ မင့္ ကၽြန္မ ေနအိမ္အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္ကလြတ္ေျမာက္လာမႈကုိ ဝမ္းသာေၾကာင္း ေျပာေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ ကၽြန္မတုိ႔ရဲ႕ ဒီမိုကေရစီပန္းတုိင္က အလွမ္းေဝးေနတာကုိလဲ စုိးရိမ္ပူပန္ေၾကာင္းေျပာၾကားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ သူရဲ႕နာမက်န္းျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ေနာက္ဆုံးအခ်ိန္အထိ သူဟာ ကြန္မတုိ႔ကုိ မေမ့ခဲ့ပါဘူး။ ကၽြန္မအတြက္ သူ ေရးခဲ့တဲ့ ေနာက္ဆုံးစာကုိ သူကြယ္လြန္ၿပီးရက္အနည္းငယ္အၾကာမွာ သူရဲ႕မိတ္ေဆြေဟာင္းတဦးျဖစ္ တဲ့ မစၥတာ ဆဆခါဝ ယုိဟိအဲ က ကြန္မလက္ထဲကုိထည့္ေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္။

“ခင္မင္ရပါတဲ့ မိတ္ေဆြ” လုိ႔ စာကို အစခ်ီထားပါတယ္။ “ကၽြန္ေတာ္စည္း႐ံုးက်င္းပခဲ့တဲ့ အျပည္ျပည္ ဆုိင္ရာ ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲမ်ားနဲ႔ အျခားအခမ္းအနားမ်ားစြာကိုတက္ေရာက္ဘုိ႔ ဘိတ္ၾကားတဲ့စာေတြကုိ ခင္ ဗ်ားထံ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းအေတာ္ ၾကာၾကာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္္ေပးပုိ႔ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ မိတ္ေဆြတက္ေရာက္ႏိုင္မဲ့အခြင့္အ လမ္းေတြမ႐ိွဘူးဆုိတာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္အေသအခ်ာသတိထားခဲ့မိေပမင့္ နည္းလမ္းအျပင္ကေန ကၽြန္ ေတာ္ဆက္လုပ္ခဲ့တာပါ။ ကၽြန္ေတာ့္စာေတြကုိ သိမ္းဆည္းတဲ့ အာဏာပုိင္ေတြကို ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔တေတြ ခင္ဗ်ားကို အစဉ္သတိရေနတယ္ဆုိတာနဲ႔ အၿမဲတမ္းေထာက္ခံေနတာကုိ သတိေပးေနခဲ့တာပါ။”

အဖိႏွိပ္ခံမ်ားအေရးကုိ ရပ္တည္ကာကြယ္ေပးေနတဲ့ သူ႔ရဲ႕စိတ္ဓါတ္က တည္႐ိွေနဆဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ကၽြန္ မတုိ႔ရဲ႕ လႈပ္႐ွားမႈအေပၚ သူ႔ရဲ႕စိတ္ဝင္စားမႈကေတာ့ ဆက္လက္႐ွင္သန္ႀကီးမားလ်က္႐ိွေနပါတယ္။

“ခင္မင္ရတဲ့မိတ္ေဆြေရ၊ ခင္ဗ်ားတုိ႔ႏိုင္ငံမွာ လတ္တေလာတုိးတက္မႈေတြကုိ အလြန္႔အလြန္သတိထား ရမဲ့ အေကာင္းျမင္မႈေတြနဲ႔ ကၽြန္ေတာ္က ေလ့လာေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနလ်က္ပါ။”

သူ႔ရဲ႕စာကုိ လက္ေတြ႕က်တဲ့အညင္သာဆုံးနဲ႔ အဆုံးသတ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ “… ကၽြႏ္ုပ္တုိ႔ကူညီႏိုင္မဲ့ တခုခု -- ပုံစံအားျဖင့္ -- ကၽြႏ္ုပ္တုိ႔ရဲ႕အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရးအေတြ႕အႀကံဳကုိမွ်ယူဘုိ႔ သင္ဆႏၵ႐ိွခဲ့ရင္ - ကၽြႏ္ုပ္တုိ႔ က ဝမ္းေျမာက္စြာ လုပ္ေဆာင္ေပးပါ့မယ္။”

ကၽြန္မတုိ႔ေ႐ွ႕က သူေလွ်ာက္သြားတဲ့လမ္းတေလ်ာက္ ကၽြန္မတုိ႔ဆက္လွမ္းေနစဉ္ ကၽြန္မရဲ႕မိတ္ေဆြမ႐ိွ ေတာ့တာကုိ ကၽြန္မခံစားရပါလိမ့္မယ္။



ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္

(မိုင္အိနိခ်ိ ဂ်ပန္) ဇႏၷဝါရီ ၃၀၊ ၂၀၁၂

(၂၀၁၂ ခု ဇႏၷဝါရီ ၃၀၊ ေန႔ထုတ္ ဂ်ပန္ႏိုင္ငံ၏ မုိင္အိနိခ်ိ သတင္းစာပါ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၏ “ဗကၠလဗ္ ဟာဗယ္လ္” ေဆာင္းပါးကုိ ဘာသာျပန္ဆုိပါသည္ )

ေမာင္ေမာင္လွႀကိဳင္

၂၀၁၂-၀၂-၀၂





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